Index

Carol Hardy-Fanta; Pei-te Lien; Dianne Pinderhughes; Christine Marie Sierra

Index

In this index, “officials” are considered to be elected officials. First-time candidates are indicated as such under specific groups of officials. The main demographic groups – American Indians, Asian Americans, Blacks, Latinos/as, and Whites – are divided into sections corresponding to officials (men and women) and to general populations of men and women. There are also sections dedicated to men of color and women of color, both as officials and as general populations.

“Latinos/as” is used when Hispanic/Latino men and women are combined in discussions of specific topics. This corresponds to a generic classification “Latino” in the text. Otherwise, specific gender is indicated by “Latinos,” “Latina” or “Latinas,” “Latino officials,” and “Latina officials.” There is a separate heading for Hispanics. Although African American is often used interchangeably with Black, for the sake of consistency, we use Black (rather than black or African American).

Figures, tables, boxes, and maps are indicated in italics by f, t, b, and m, respectively.

Abdullah and Freer, 9, 261, 262

Abelman, Nancy, 340–341

abolition movement, 343

abortion rights, 344–345, 348, 349t8.3, 356, 369, 370t8.10.

activism. See community activism/non-profit organizations

Adams, David, 122

Adams, John, 25–26, 290, 292

Add Women (Marie Wilson), 258–259

adult socialization, 224–225

affirmative action, 329, 346, 347t8.2, 354–357, 366

African American. See Black

ages of candidates. See officials of specific races, ethnicities, and genders

Alabama, 63–67

Alaska, 30, 63–67, 70–71

Alaskan Natives, 70–71, 87, 112–113

Alexander, Jeffrey, 365n19

All the Women Are White, All the Blacks Are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave (Hull, Scott, and Smith), 12

Allen, Beverly Lundy, 261

Alozie, Nicholas, 227

ambition. See personal ambition; political ambition; static ambition

ambition theory, 200–201, 209, 212–215

American Indian officials (general)

in Alaska, 70–71

in California, 70–71

in city/town government, 189

class-based issues as a priority of, 316–317

community embeddedness of, 215–216

and constituent contact, 321–322

constituents’ top policy issues, 326–328

contacted by constituents, 322–323, 323n13

county offices denied to, 35

distribution of, as state legislators, 72t1.4

and encouragement/recruitment, 168, 205–206

as first-time candidates, 175–176, 183, 189, 190, 212, 228

issue motivations of, 175–176

in leadership positions, 2

in local government, 87, 87t2.2

margins of victory of, 237–239

married to an official, 139

mixed-race constituents of, 303

in Oklahoma, 70–71, 73

in the 113th Congress, 268–270

and party congruence, 312

personal motivations of, 189

and political ideology congruence, 312n7

political ideology congruence among, 312n6

poor constituents of, 314

progressive ambitions of, 212

and racial congruence, 312, 312n7

records of, 87n11

representation motivations of, 183

as Representatives (U.S.), 303

as Republicans, 268–270

research lacking on, 87, 112–113

in single-member districts, 228

vs. state government, 286n20

as state legislators, 8, 11, 21n11, 70–71, 72t1.4., 90n15, 139, 142–143, 183, 190, 285–286, 286n20, 326–328, 365n18

strategical motivations of, 190

voting with the majority or minority, 285–286

working class constituents of, 176, 314

American Indian men (officials), 179–181, 190, 237–239, 299, 322–323, 372

American Indian women (officials), 55, 189, 215–216, 223, 254, 254n4

American Indians (general)

and activist research, 224–225

the American Indian experience, 34–35

caucuses of, 363n17

citizenship granted to, 30, 34

civic activism/engagement of, 224

coethnic constituents of, 299

collective character of, 171–172

as conquered populations, 30

culture tests required of, 35

equal rights to education lacking for, 121–122

federal Indian policies rejected by, 35

genocide of, 34, 122

growing political power of, 47

identified as Black, 21n11

and linked fate, 362

parity ratios of, 61, 88

self-identification of, 23–25

sovereignty of, 39

terminology for, 22

voting rights of, 34–35

American Indian Citizenship Act (1924), 34

American Indian Movement, 122, 224

American Indian Politics and the American Political System (Wilkins and Stark), 87n11

Anglo Whites, 45, 111

Anzaldúa, Gloria, 343

Arizona, 34, 63–67, 123, 229n6, 234

Arkansas, 63–67

Arpaio, Joe, 75

Arrington, Theodore, 228–229

Asian American officials (general)

and affirmative action, 346

ages of, 141–142

and at-large elections, 230n7

Asian American constituents of, 300

in California, 60, 67, 73

caucuses of, 363n17

as challengers, 235

in city/town government, 94–96, 103, 111, 142–143, 212, 227, 230

class-based issues as a priority of, 316–317

with college degrees, 118

community embeddedness of, 215–216

as conservatives, 353

constituent relationships of, 289, 321–322

as county supervisors/commissioners, 40, 93–94, 108, 111, 230

data collection methods on, 51n8

as Democrats, 306–307, 356–357

disadvantages perceived by, 241

district population proportion of, 227

and district systems, 230

and education policy changes, 354

educational levels of, 146

elected, vs. all U.S. Asian American officials, 68m1.3

and encouragement/recruitment, 168–169

financial resources of, 144–145

as first-time candidates, 141–142, 175–176, 212

of foreign-born parents, 146, 348–351

by gender with percent female, 52f1.9

geographical landscape/distribution for, 69

growing numbers of, 40, 40n5, 43f1.3, 84–85, 89, 97

in Hawaii, 67, 73, 93n16

issue motivations of, 175–176

Latino/na constituents of, 300–303

in leadership positions, 2, 2n2

as liberals, 353

in local government, 300–303

in local politics, 341

as mayors, 97–98, 111

mixed-race constituents of, 300–303

and new minority rights, 356

non-Hispanic White constituents of, 300

occupational attainment/prestige of, 124, 133–134

in the 113th Congress, 270

in open-seat elections, 235

parental educational levels of, 146–148

and party congruence, 312

paths to office of, 200–203, 227

perceived congruence accuracy of, 303–304

perceived partisan congruence among, 307–309

percent of all Asian Americans officials in United States, 68m1.3

political ideology congruence among, 312n6

political party activity of, 216–218

progressive ambitions of, 212

and racial congruence, 312, 312n7

as Representatives (U.S.), 303

as Republicans, 353

salaries of, 104–107

and same-sex marriage, 353, 368–369

on school boards, 93–94, 111, 230

as state legislators, 39–40, 144–145, 212, 300, 353

states without representation by, 67

top counties for, 338, 339t8.1.

trustee representation favored by, 295

underrepresentation of, 89

upper-middle class constituents of, 314

voting with the majority or minority, 285

and the VRA, 40, 346

in the West, 73

White constituents of, 299, 300–303

and women’s welfare rights, 369

working class constituents of, 176, 314

years in office since first election of, 195, 195n22

Asian American men (officials)

and candidate encouragement/recruitment, 168

in city/town government, 111, 192, 230n7

civic activism/engagement of, 220–222

class-based issues as a priority of, 316–318

coethnic constituents of, 299

with college degrees, 118

community motivations of, 179–181

constituents’ top policy issues, 326, 327t7.11.

contacted by constituents, 322–324

as county supervisors/commissioners, 111, 168

disadvantages of, 156–157

in education, 124, 130

and education policy changes, 354

and encouragement/recruitment, 193n21, 205–206

financial benefits of marriage for, 143–144

as first-time candidates, 175, 179–181, 182, 189, 191, 192, 212

of foreign-born parents, 148

geographic dispersion of, 71

household income of, 143–144, 156–157

and immigrant incorporation, 348–351

immigrant policies of, 351

as incumbents, 235

issue motivations of, 175, 186

as lawyers, 124

as liberals, 309–310

and linked fate, 363–365

margins of victory of, 237–239

and marriage issues, 139–140, 156–157

as mayors, 97–99

as middle-of-the road, 309–310

mixed-race constituents of, 299

and multimember districts, 230n7

in the nonprofit sector, 124

occupational attainment/prestige of, 133–134, 156–157

and party congruence, 312

party support for, 218–220

personal motivations of, 189

and the pipeline theory, 163

from political families, 148

political motivations of, 192

political party activities of, 216–218

progressive ambitions of, 212, 243

representation motivations of, 182

on school boards, 111–113, 182, 186

and shared policy positions, 372

in single-member districts, 243

in state government leadership positions, 279

as state legislators, 175, 179, 191

strategic motivations of, 191

and support for minority rights, 330–331

and term limits, 232–233

and traditional minority rights, 366

and the VRA, 366

women viewed as persuasive by, 265

Asian American women (officials)

in the Asian Pacific American Congressional Caucus leadership, 277, 278b6.3

Asian Pacific American Congressional Caucus leadership, 278

in city/town government, 103, 111, 230n7

with college degrees, 118

in community activism/nonprofit organizations, 215–216

contacted by constituents, 322–324

as county supervisors/commissioners, 111

as Democrats, 60

disadvantages of, perceived, 153

disadvantages overcome by, 161

in education, 124, 130, 131

and education policy changes, 354

and encouragement/recruitment, 193n21

as first-time candidates, 189, 192–193, 210–211, 212

of foreign-born parents, 148

geographic dispersion of, 71

growing numbers of, 51–52, 60

household income of, 143–144, 156–157

ICMA data on, 227

as lawyers, 124

as liberals, 309–310

marital status of, 136–140

marriage rates among, 156–157

married to Whites, 139–140

as mayors, 97–99, 111

mixed motivations of, 189

mixed-race constituents of, 299

and multimember districts, 230n7

in the nonprofit sector, 124

occupational attainment/prestige of, 132, 133–134, 156–157

and party congruence, 312

personal motivations of, 189, 210–211

from political families, 148, 49

political interests of, 192–193

political motivations of, 192–193

political party activities of, 216–218

progressive ambitions of, 212

racialized gender of, 336

representation motivations of, 189

research lacking on, 253–254

and same-sex marriage, 353

on school boards, 111–113, 210–211

as state legislators, 175

and term limits, 232–233

in the U.S. Senate, 224–225

women viewed as persuasive by, 265

and women’s reproductive rights, 348, 369–371

and women’s welfare, 348, 369

and women’s welfare rights, 369

Asian Americans (general), 97–98. See also Chinese Americans; Filipino Americans; Hawaii; Hawaiians; Japanese Americans

the Asian American experience, 33–34, 123–124

vs. Blacks, 340–341

bridge-building with Whites, 340–341

with college degrees, 118

descriptive representation of, 25

disadvantages perceived by, 155–156

equal rights to education lacking for, 122–123

immigration of, 2, 43–46

and linked fate, 362

parity ratios of, 61, 87–88, 89

as population percentage, 45–47

on same-sex civil unions/marriage, 353

self-identification of, 23–25

and Thornburg v. Gingles, 39

voting for Obama, 47n7, 342

Asian American Studies Center (UCLA), 112

Asian Pacific American Congressional Caucus, 250, 363n17

Asian Pacific American Congressional Caucus leadership, 278

Assendelft, Laura Van, 80, 99n24

at-large voting systems, 39, 82, 227–229, 231t5.7, 243

Baca Zinn, Maxine, 12, 149

Baer, Denise, 166–167

Banfield, Edward, 11n4

Barnett, Bernice McNair, 252

Barth, Richard P., 107

Barthélémy, Fabrice, 110

Bartle, John, 100

Barvosa-Carter, Edwina, 24

Bass, Karen, 276

Bates, Karen Grigsby, 351

“Becoming a Collective Representation” (Alexander), 365n19

Bejarano, Christina, 51, 114–115

Bennis, Warren, 248–249

Bentele, Keith, 74

Bercerra, Xavier, 274–275

Berghorn, Forrest, 148

Bethune, Mary McLeod, 224

Between the World and Me (Coates), 4

Bilbray-Kohn, Erin, 165

Black civil rights movement, 76, 343, 344n8, 351–353

Black female advantage, 114–115

Black caucus, 266

Black feminists, 251

Black fraternities, 224

Black Lives Matter movement, 22–23, 109–110

Black majority districts, 57, 117, 131

Black officials (general)

ages of, 141–142

in at-large elections, 228–229

calculating growth of, 97

in California, 69

as challengers, 235

in city/town government, 84–85, 93–94, 99, 103, 105, 111, 142–143, 192–193, 212, 230–231, 303–304

civic activism/engagement of, 243

class-based issues as a priority of, 316–317

collective character of, 171–172

with college degrees, 118

in community activism/non-profit organizations, 215–216

community motivations of, 16, 171–172

in Congress, 305

as conservatives, 353

and constituent contact, 321–324

constituent relationships of, 289

constituents’ top policy issues, 326, 327t7.11

as county supervisors/commissioners, 86n10, 87–88, 89, 93–94, 108, 111, 144–145, 230

as Democrats, 306–307, 356–357

disadvantages perceived by, 241

and district systems, 228, 230

in education, 131

elected, vs. all U.S. Black officials, 65m1.1

embedded in their communities, 215–216

and encouragement/recruitment, 205–206

as first-time candidates, 141–142, 171–172, 175–176, 185, 192–193, 212, 228–229

by gender, with percent female, 49f1.7

geographical landscape/distribution for, 63, 67–69

growing numbers of, 42, 42f1.2, 84–85, 89

growing political power of, 47

and immigrant incorporation, 371–372

immigrant policies of, 351

and incumbency, 234–235

issue motivations of, 175–176

in leadership positions, 46–47, 270–272

as liberals, 309–310, 353

in local government, 93–94, 99–100, 300–303

majority Black constituents of, 300–303

majority Black districts of, 300

married to Whites, 139–140

in Maryland, 69

as mayors, 111–113

and minority civil rights, 371–372

and minority rights, 373

in Mississippi, 67, 109

mixed voting systems, 228

and multimember districts, 230–231

National Roster of, 86n10

occupational attainment/prestige of, 124, 133–134

in the 113th Congress, 270–272

in the 114th Congress, 267–268

parental educational levels of, 146–148

and party congruence, 312

paths to office of, 200–203

perceived congruence accuracy of, 303–304

perceived partisan congruence among, 307–309

and the pipeline theory, 163

political ideology congruence among, 312n6, 312n7

political influence of, 46–47

political motivations of, 192–193

political party activities of, 216–218

progressive ambitions of, 212

and racial congruence, 312, 312n7

remaining in office, 203

representation motivations of, 185

as Representatives (U.S.), 39, 271–272

and same-sex marriage, 368–369

on school boards, 93–94, 110n30, 111, 228–229, 230, 234–235

in the South, 63, 71

in state government leadership positions, 279

as state legislators, 212, 272, 300, 303–304

symbolic representation by, 305

top counties for, 338, 339t8.1

and traditional minority rights, 356

underrepresentation of, 89, 272

upward mobility for, 271–272

voting with the majority or minority, 285, 286

and the VRA, 43–46, 84–85

in ward systems, 228

working class constituents of, 176

years in office since first election of, 195, 195n22

Black men (officials)

ages of, 141–142

campaign disadvantages perceived by, 16

change motivations of, 187

in city/town government, 102–104, 107n28, 111, 178, 182, 210–211

civic activism/engagement of, 223

Civil Rights Movement as motivation for, 179

class-based issues as a priority of, 316–318

as coalition builders, 372

coethnic constituents of, 299

with college degrees, 118

community motivations of, 178, 184, 210–211, 261

as Congressional party leaders, 275n14

contacted by constituents, 322–324

as county supervisors/commissioners, 111, 144–145, 175, 187, 189, 191, 210–211

disadvantages of, 181

disadvantages perceived by, 155–156, 244

and the double disadvantage thesis, 15

in education, 130, 131

and education policy changes, 354

and encouragement/recruitment, 193n21

family resources of, 156–157

financial benefits of marriage for, 143–144

financial resources of, 145

as first-time candidates, 141–142, 178, 182, 184, 185–186, 187, 189, 191, 192–193, 210–211, 226–227

and government assistance, 146

growing numbers of, 47, 131

as House party leaders, 274

household income of, 143–144

issue motivations of, 185–186, 187

in leadership positions, 2, 21n10

and linked fate, 359, 363–366

married to an official, 139

as mayors, 111, 178, 191

occupational attainment/prestige of, 133–134, 156–157

in the 113th Congress, 268–270

parental educational levels of, 146–148

and party congruence, 312

personal motivations of, 178, 189, 210–211

political experience of, vs. Black women, 176–177

from political families, 156–157

political motivations of, 192–193

political party activities of, 216–218

in poor districts, 146

representation motivations of, 182

salaries of, 104–107, 107n28

on school boards, 111–113, 187

and shared policy positions, 372

in single-member districts, 226–227, 243

in the South, 71

as state legislators, 133–134, 144–145, 225–226, 227

strategic motivations of, 191

and traditional minority rights, 366

and the VRA, 366

women viewed as persuasive by, 265

Black women (officials)

and activist research, 224–225

and Black female advantage, 114–115

and Black sororities, 222–224

in business, 124

campaign disadvantages perceived by, 16

change motivations of, 187

in city/town government, 111, 182, 189, 190, 191, 230–231

civic activism/engagement of, 16, 222, 224–225

class-based issues as a priority of, 316–318

collective character of, 171–172

with college degrees, 118

in committee leadership positions, 279

and community connection, 260–262

community motivations of, 16, 171–172, 176–177, 179–181, 184, 261

in the Congressional Black Caucus, 276n16

in the Congressional Caucus on Women’s Issues, 276

contacted by constituents, 322–324

as county supervisors/commissioners, 108, 111, 145, 187

disadvantages overcome by, 12, 15, 115, 153, 156–157, 161

disadvantages perceived by, 244

in education, 124, 130, 176–177

and education policy changes, 354

educational attainment required of, 115

educational levels of, 115, 153

and encouragement/recruitment, 168–169, 190, 193n21

family resources of, 156–157

financial benefits of marriage for, 143–144

as financially disadvantaged, 143–144

as first-time candidates, 171–172, 175–177, 179–181, 182, 184, 185–186, 187, 189, 190, 191, 192, 226–227, 261

growing numbers of, 47–48, 89, 117

as House party leaders, 274

household income of, 143–144

ICMA data on, 227

and incumbency, 234–235

issue motivations of, 175–176, 185–186, 187

in leadership positions, 2

as liberals, 309–310

and linked fate, 361, 365–366

in local government, 90–91, 97, 102–104

in majority–minority districts, 57–58, 229

and the marriage gap, 143–144

marriage rates among, 143–144

married to an official, 139

married to Whites, 139–140

as mayors, 97, 99–100, 111, 176–177

mixed motivations of, 184n15, 189

mixed-race constituents of, 299, 300

motivated by community, 16

and multimember districts, 229, 230–231

numbers of, vs. White women officials, 57

occupational attainment/prestige of, 124, 132, 133–134, 153, 156–157

in the 113th Congress, 268–270

and open-seat elections, 233–234

parental educational levels of, 146–148

parity ratios of, 139–140

and party congruence, 312

in the Perceived Professional and Political Disadvantages index, 155

political experience of, vs. Black men, 176–177

political experience of, vs. White women, 176–177

from political families, 148–149, 148, 156–157

political motivations of, 192

political party activities of, 216–218

racialized gender of, 336

representation motivations of, 182, 189

salaries of, 104–107

on school boards, 111–113, 187

in single-member districts, 226–227

in the South, 71

in state government leadership positions, 279

as state legislators, 53–55, 190, 192, 227, 233–234, 279, 300

strategic motivations of, 190, 191

underrepresentation of, 29

and the VRA, 57, 60, 164

women viewed as hard working by, 263–265

women viewed as persuasive by, 265

Blacks (general)

the African American experience, 30–31

aligned with Latinos, 340–341

and Clarence Thomas, 60

coalitions with Whites, 341

with college degrees, 118

and color designations, 20–23

community connection among, 15–16

and the death penalty, 345n11

descriptive representation of, 25

and encouragement/recruitment, 168–169

equal rights to education lacking for, 121–124

fined disproportionally, 99–100

and the GI Bill, 31

and immigration, 372

immigration of, 43–46

incarceration rates among, 136–137

vs. Latinos and Asians, 340–341

leadership of, 46–47

and linked fate, 359, 362

marriage rates among, 136–137

migration of, 31

parity ratios of, 87–88, 89

political participation of, 46–47

as population percentage, 45–46, 46f1.5

Republican relationships with, 73–74

and the Roosevelt administration, 31

and same-sex marriage, 351, 353

self-identification of, 23–25

shootings of, 4, 99–100, 109–110, 197, 374–375

slave legacy of, 30–31, 343

as state legislators, 232

and term limits, 232

and Thornburg v. Gingles, 39

underrepresentation of, 227

voter registration among, 42, 45f1.4

voting for Obama, 46–47, 47n7, 292–293, 342

voting rates of, 99

VRA impact on, 45f1.4

Black men (general)

and the Black Panther Party, 262

Civil Rights Act benefitting, 121–122

as Civil Rights Movement focus, 252

and constituent responsiveness, 316–318

incarceration rates among, 137

parity ratios of, 61

and police misconduct, 110

racism as experienced by, 252–253

shooting of, 4, 109–110

Black women (general)

activism of, 261

and the Black Panther Party, 262

Civil Rights Act benefitting, 121–122

as Civil Rights Movement leaders, 252

as civil rights workers, 224

leadership potential of, 252–253

parity ratios of, 61

political resistance culture among, 261

sexism experienced by, 252–253

slave legacy of, 343

underrepresentation of, 227

as voting rights workers, 224

Black Panther Party, 261, 262

Black sororities, 222–224

Blades, Meteor, 34–35

Bland, Sandra, 4

Bledsoe, Timothy, 169–170

Bligh, Michelle, 249–250

Bob, Clifford, 260, 320

Boggess, William G., 107

Boggs, Corrine, 266n10

Boles, Janet, 323–324

Booker, Cory, 270n12

Bookman, Ann, 255

Bordallo, Madeleine, 277, 278

Bositis, David, 47, 58, 63, 293n2

Boushey, Heather, 348

Bowler, Shaun, 289

Boxer, Barbara, 267

Bretting, John, 254

Brewer, Rose, 12

Brown, Elaine, 261

Brown, Michael, 4, 99–100

Brown, Nadia, 9, 262, 285

Brown v. Board of Education, 121–122

Browning, Rufus, 8–9, 285, 341

Brudnick, Ida, 266–267

Burden, Barry, 295–296

Burke, Edmund, 293

Burke, Yvonne, 266n10

Burnham, Walter, 34

Burns, James, 257–258

Burt-Way, Barbara, 169–170, 209

Bush, George H. W., 58

Bush, George W., 34, 46–47, 73, 344

business and finance as feeder occupations, 115–116, 124, 129, 133

Butterfield, G. K., 274, 276

Button, James, 170, 303

Byrd, Tyrus, 100n25

California

American Indian officials’ absence from, 70–71

Asian American officials in, 60, 67, 73

bilingual education banned in, 123

Black officials in, 69

Latino/na officials in, 63–67, 131, 149–150

Propositions 187 and 227 in, 123

campaigns. See also districts; motivations to run for office; officials of specific races, ethnicities or genders as first-time candidates; paths to office; trajectories to office; voting systems

overview, 208–244

candidates’ campaign status, 236t5.9

civic engagement and, 220–222

degree of competition in, 233, 237–239

and discrimination, 16

districts in, 226–231

electoral structure in, 225–226

of first-time candidates, 209–211

and incumbency vs. open seats and, 233–237

margins of victory in, 237–239

party support in, 218–220

perceived disadvantages in, 16, 208–209, 237–241, 244

and personal ambition, 209–211

and political ambition, 209, 212–215

political/social capital in, 216–218

and progressive ambition, 211–212

social movements in, 224–225

and term limits, 232–233

Canon, David, 200, 201

career ladders, 162, 163, 196–198, 199–207, 200t4.7., 210

Carroll, Susan, 51–52, 130, 132, 140–141, 150, 164, 166–167, 212–215, 216–220, 232, 250, 282, 323–324, 356–357

Carson, André, 276

Cassese, Erin, 306

Castro, Joaquin, 274–275, 277

caucuses

of American Indian officials (general), 363n17

of American Indian officials, 363n17

of Asian American officials (general), 363n17

Asian Pacific American Congressional Caucus, 250

Asian Pacific American Congressional Caucus leadership, 278, 363n17

Black caucus, 266

Congressional Black Caucus, 276, 276n16, 305, 363n17

Congressional caucus leadership, 275–278

Congressional Caucus on Women’s Issues, 275–276

Congressional Hispanic Caucus, 277, 363n17

Congressional Hispanic Caucus leadership, 277

Congressional Tri-Caucus, 363n17

Democratic Party Caucus, 266, 274–275

of minorities, 363n17

Republican Party Caucus, 266

of women, 363n17

Women’s Caucus, 275

CAWP (Center for American Women and Politics), 124–127, 141, 169n7

ceilings for officials of color, 196, 205, 207

Celis, Karen, 293

Census of Governments (U.S. Census Bureau), 85n8, 85n9, 86n10, 88, 112

Chang, Edward, 340–341

change (making a difference) as motivation to run, 171–172, 172f. 4.1, 173, 184, 187, 261

changing education policies, 354, 355t8.6.

Chicanos/as and Chicano Movement, 35, 149, 184, 343

Chin, Gabriel, 43–45

Chinese Americans, 30, 33–34

Chinese Exclusion Act (1882), 36

Chisholm, Shirley, 1, 224

Cho, Seong-Hoon, 107

Chu, Judy, 60, 277, 278

city/town government. See also local government; mayors; school boards

community motivation to run in, 181–182

councilors in, 14, 100, 104–107, 106t2.7., 119–120, 120n8

delegate representation favored in, 295

disadvantages perceived by city employees, 241–242

and district systems, 231t5.8.

and electoral structure, 225–226

financing of, 99–100

as first elective office, 193, 195

functions of, 82–83

growth of officials of color in, 90–91

length of service in, 196

margins of victory in, 237

perceived partisan congruence in, 308–309

and prior office holding, 203–204

and progressive ambition, 212

and public service, 173, 176–177

and race*gender intersectionality, 102–104

salaries of officials of color in, 106t2.7

sizes of, 104–107, 106t2.7.

as study focus, 100–102

transformations in, 4–6

women’s reputed distrust of, 78

civic engagement, 208, 220–222, 221t5.6, 223, 243

Civil Rights Act (1957), 36–37

Civil Rights Act (1964), 36–37, 43–45, 121–122

Civil Rights Movement

Black civil rights movement, 76, 343, 344n8, 351–353

Black men leaders as focus of, 252

Black women in, 176–177, 252, 260, 260n9

and encouragement/recruitment, 179

and lateral entry into office, 201

Mervyn Dymally in, 201

and minorities’ political status, 35

modern Black civil rights movement, 76

as motivation to run, 179

and Obama’s election, 40

in Selma, 172–173

and women’s educational levels, 117

Clark, Janet, 116, 148–149, 226–227, 234, 325–326

Clark, Meredith, 22–23

Clarke, Yvette, 276

class (socioeconomic). See also household income; poverty

overview, 313–318

achievement of, as struggle/process, 145, 316

class bias, 132

congruence on, 314–316

and descriptive/substantive representation links, 314

issue responsiveness based on, 316–318

logical regression predictors of, 317n11, 318t7.7

methodology of determining, 314n8

of Sonia Sotomayor, 1

working class, 1

Clayton, Dewey, 114–115

Clinton, Hillary, 61n11, 141

Closing the Leadership Gap: Why Women Can and Must Help Run the World (Marie Wilson, 258–259

Clubok, Alfred, 148

Clyburn, James, 2, 274

coalitions across race and gender

overview, 335–375

conflicts in, 340–341

constraints against, 337

contacts facilitating, 337–338

within a contested political framework, 338–340

cooperation in, 340

and Democrats, 374n21

gender roles in facilitating, 341

levels of, 337, 341–342

and linked fate, 358–361, 360t8.7

and majority/minority voting, 362–363

multicultural and gendered contexts for, 361–362

among officials of color, 18, 363–365

and political incorporation, 341

and political influence, 362–363

and poor women’s assistance, 348

prospective allies in, 357–358, 358f8.1

and racial-gender commonalities, 374

and shared policy positions, 371–372

Coates, Ta-Nehisi, 4

Cohen, Cathy, 12, 255, 343

Collins, Cardiss, 224, 276n16

Collins, Patricia Hill, 261

“The Color of Death: Race and the Death Penalty” (Walker, Spohn, and DeLone), 346

Colorado, 123, 229

Colored Women’s League, 260n9

Common Core curriculum, 123, 345, 345n10

communities of color

campaigns as significant for, 208

constituent relationships in, 320

equal rights to education lacking for, 121–122

local government impact on, 79, 99–100, 104, 111–112

perceived congruence for, 295–299

representation for, 293

community activism/nonprofit organizations

Black women leading in, 224–225

as a feeder occupation, 115–116, 124, 127, 129

mean levels of, 217t5.4

men of color in, 127

state legislators in, 124–127

women officials in, 127

community connection

and Black women officials, 260–262

indicators for, 215

meanings of, 177–182

mentions of, by race and gender, 178n13

of minority candidates, 15–16

as motivation to run, 171–172, 172f4.1, 173–175, 176–182, 180t4.2., 184–187

and political ambition, 209–215

as political motivation, 15–16

research needed on, 182

years of community residence, 216t5.3

community embeddedness, 215–216, 216t5.3

compensation. See salaries

The Concept of Representation (Pitkin), 291

Confederate battle flag, 1, 1n1, 374, 375f8.2

Congress (U.S.). See also 108th Congress; 113th Congress; 114th Congress

Black women’s perceived marginalization in, 255

chair and committee assignments in, 266, 273

growth in, by race and gender, 53

leadership positions in, 265–278

NHLA scores for officials in, 283t6.7

party control of leadership in, 266, 267–273, 274

prior office holding in, 197–198, 199–200

race and gender parity in, 61

racial makeup of jurisdictions of, 301f7.1, 303

Republican control of, 275

subcommittee leadership in, 269t6.2, 270–272

women in, 55f1.10

women of color in, 55f1.10

Congressional Black Caucus, 276, 276b6.1, 305, 363n17

Congressional caucus leadership, 275–278

Congressional Caucus on Women’s Issues, 275–276

Congressional Hispanic Caucus, 277, 363n17

Congressional Tri-Caucus, 363n17

congruence between officials and constituents. See also perceived congruence

and class, 314–316, 315n9, 315t7.6

and class-based issue responsiveness, 317, 317n11, 318t7.7, 329–330

degrees of, 17–18

and descriptive representation, 297, 317

on education, 314

gauging of, 295–299, 331

and ideology, 329

on immigrant status, 314

on minority rights, 330t7.12

among moderates, 312

partisan, 317

on partisanship, 307–309, 308t7.3, 317, 329

on personal political ideology, 311t7.5.

political ambition, 312n7

on political ideology, 310–311

in political representation, 312

on race, 312, 314, 317

on socioeconomic class, 316–318

as study focus, 290–291

and substantive representation, 297, 318–319, 331

and symbolic representation, 317

conservatives

and abortion rights, 344–345

anti-immigration sentiments of, 313–314

Asian American officials as, 353

among Black constituents, 309–311

Black officials as, 353

and Clarence Thomas, 58

Latino/na officials as, 353

and the pipeline theory, 163

and racial congruence, 312n7

and same-sex marriage, 351, 353

constituents. See congruence between officials and constituents; constituent relationships with officials of specific races, ethnicities, and genders ; policy issues of constituents

contact between officials and constituents, 320, 321t7.8, 322–324, 322t7.9, 323n13, 323t7.10, 331–332, 337–338

contested notions of leadership. See descriptive representation; leadership; transformation of the political landscape; underrepresentation

Conyers, John, 268–270

Cosby, Bill, 224

Coughlin, Linda, 258–259

county government. See also officials of specific races, ethnicities, and genders as county supervisors

and county supervisors/commissioners, 104–107, 312n7

Democratic Party affiliation in, 306–307

disadvantages perceived by commissioners/supervisors, 241–242

distribution of officials of color in, 107–108, 109t2.8.

and electoral structure, 225–226

as first elective office, 193, 195

incumbency in, 234–235

length of service in, 196

margins of victory in, 237

and new minority rights, 369

perceived partisan congruence in, 308–309

and personal ambition, 211

and prior office holding, 204

prior office holding in, 203–204

and single-member districts, 227, 231

and sizes of counties, 107–108, 108n29

and term limits, 233

types of, 96n17

and the VRA, 40

creationism, 345, 354–356, 355t8.6

Crenshaw, Kimberle, 12

Crowder-Meyer, Melody, 163

Cruz, Ted, 270n12

Cuban Americans and Cuba, 32–33

Cuéllar, Carlos, 97, 97n19

Dahl, Robert, 11n4, 14, 80, 91

Darcy, Robert, 12, 57, 114–115, 116, 148–149, 150–153, 226–227, 234

Darder, Antonia, 122

Darling, Marsha, 223

Davidson, Chandler, 298

Davis, Donn, 255

Davis, Jefferson, 1n1

Davis, Kim, 374

Dawson, Michael, 31, 359

Day, Phyllis J., 107

de Haan, Jakob, 116

death penalty, 345n11, 346, 347t8.2., 356–357

the decision to run for office. See also specific officials as first-time-candidates

overview, 161–207

and encouragement/recruitment, 166–168, 193n21

for first elective office, 193–196, 194f4.3

gender and race in, 170–173

the initial decision, 164–169

literature on, 161–162

motivations for, 173–193

personal accounts of, 168–169

personal considerations regarding, 169

rational choice paradigm of, 162, 162n1

traditional perspectives on, 169–170

White male theories of, 162

Deckman, Melissa, 163, 266–267

Del Castillo, Adelaida, 255

delegates. See representation

Dellums, Ron, 170

DeLone, Miriam, 346

democracy

advancement of, 335, 373–375

civic engagement in, 220–222

and descriptive representation, 292

as inclusive, 11, 14–15, 18, 100

and intersectionality, 47

and substantive representation, 335

Democratic Party Caucus, 266, 274–275

Democrats

Asian American women officials as, 60

Blacks as, 201

coalition-building demographics of, 374n21

Hawaii dominated by, 286

minorities as, 342

officials of color as, 306–307, 356–357

in the 113th Congress, 268–270

in the 114th Congress, 267–268

and perceived party affiliation, 307–309

and same-sex marriage, 353

as state legislators, 308–309

women as, 342

women officials affiliated with, 266, 267

women officials of color as, 51–52, 60, 267

and women’s reproductive rights, 369–371

descriptive representation. See also formalistic representation; symbolic representation

authenticity of, 15

and Clarence Thomas, 58

and class-based issue responsiveness, 317

and congruence, 297

and contested political transformation, 5, 30

defined, 25–26, 25n14, 291

and democracy, 292

and electoral structures, 291

and encouragement/recruitment, 205

ethnoracial gaps in, 298

evaluation of, 295–296

expectations regarding, 9

gauging of, 298

growth in, 29–30, 55–57, 373, 374–375

and John Adams, 292

in local government, 25–26, 79, 108–111

by Obama, 292–293

research expanding on, 288

and substantive representation, 295–296, 314, 335

and underrepresentation, 60–61

and the VRA, 60–61

of women of color, 55–57, 76

and women officials, 292

DeSena, Judith, 14n6, 78

DeSipio, Louis, 85

Diaz-Balart, Mario, 277

Diaz-Veizades, Jeanette, 340–341

Dill, Bonnie Thornton, 12

discrete ambition, 209–210

District of Columbia, 129n14, 368

districts

and at-large voting systems, 16, 39, 82, 243

Black majority districts, 57, 117, 131

city/town district systems, 231t5.8.

district resources, 144–145, 151153t3.7, 152t3.8

impact of, 164

multimember districts, 16, 230–231, 231t5.7

single-member districts, 16, 225–227, 230–231, 231t5.7., 243

Dobbin, Frank, 121–122

Dodson, Debra, 323–324, 356

Dolan, Julie Ann, 163, 266–267

Dolan, Kathleen, 78

Donato, Ruben, 122

Donovan, Todd, 320–321

double disadvantage thesis. See also race*gender intersectionality

defined, 15

hypotheses tested, 155–157

and intersectionality theory, 12, 114

overcome, 12, 15, 115, 153, 156–157, 161, 239

personal and family resources and, 150–153

personal choices relating to, 135–143

Dovi, Suzanne, 8, 295–296

Duckworth, Tammy, 60

Duerst-Lahti, Georgia, 247, 248–250, 254, 256

Duncan, Mississippi Town Hall, 102f2.5.

D’Vera Cohn, 45

Dymally, Mervyn, 201–203, 202f. 4.4, 203n25

Ebdon, Carol, 100

education

accessibility of, 31, 374–375

bilingual, 122–123

and Black womens’ electoral gains, 57

changing education policies, 354, 355t8.6

communities of color lacking equal access to, 121–122

disparities in, 313–314

and the double disadvantage thesis, 15

as a feeder occupation, 115–116, 124–131, 132

and the Immigration and Nationality Act, 43–46

and incarceration policies, 136–137

issues blocking, 121–124

parental educational, 121, 145, 146–148, 155

as policy debate, 345

religious issues in, 354, 355t8.6.

and shared policy positions, 372

as top policy issue, 324–325, 327t7.11.

and welfare policies, 136–137

of women of color vs. Whites, 115

educational levels/attainment

as barriers for minorities, 116

and the Civil Rights Movement, 117

contexts for, 156–157

and family resources, 145, 153–155

and marital status, 143–144, 156–157

of officials of color, 118–120

and paths to office, 197

required of minority women vs. Whites, 115

and the VRA, 117

of women of color, 119–120

and the women’s movement, 117

Edwards, Donna, 274

Elected Official-Constituent Perceived Class Match, 315t7.6.

election campaigns. See campaigns/campaign trail

electoral structure, 225–226

eligibility pools, 129, 130, 131, 161

Ellison, Keith, 274

EmergeAmerica (women’s political organization), 165

Emily’s List (women’s political organization), 165

Emmet Till Act (2007), 109–110

encouragement/recruitment to run, 15–16, 164–169, 169n7, 187–188, 193n21

England, Robert, 110, 110n30, 228–229

English Language Learners program, 123

English-only movement, 123

Epstein, Michael, 256–257

Esgar, Daneya, 165

essentialism, 181, 248, 258, 258n6, 259–262

Eulau, Heinz, 305

Everson, David, 233–234

exclusion of ethnic and racial minorities, 29–30

Falcón, Sylvanna, 110

family backgrounds, 114, 135–136, 145–146, 147t3.6, 208, 239–241, 242, 362, 366

family resources, 150–153, 151t3.7., 152t3.8., 156–157, 176, 362–363, 365, 366, 369–372. See also financial resources

feeder occupations, 116, 124, 129–133, 163

Feinstein, Dianne, 267

female officials. See women (officials); women of color (officials); women officials of specific races or ethnicities

feminists and feminism

Black feminists, 150

feminist scholarship, 12, 150

and gender bias, 247–248, 256

and leadership, 247

leadership critiqued by, 249–251

leadership defined by, 261

rifts among women caused by, 343

Ferguson, Missouri, 4, 99–100, 109–110

Filipino Americans, 30, 189

financial resources, 135–136, 143–145, 156–157, 176. See also personal resources

first elective office, 168–169, 193–196, 194f4.3, 194t4.4, 196t4.5, 197t4.6, 205t4.8. See also officials of specific races, ethnicities, and genders as first-time candidates

Flammang, Janet, 176–177, 181, 257–258, 262, 320

Fletcher, Joyce, 247

Flora, Cornelia and Jan, 116, 216

Flores, Bill, 270

Flores, Henry, 38

Florida, 4, 226–227, 233–234

Ford, Lynne, 343, 354

Ford, Ramona, 254

Fording, Richard, 100

foreign-born parents, 145–146, 148, 348–351

formalistic representation, 25n14, 291. See also descriptive representation; substantive representation; symbolic representation

Fox, Richard, 116, 129, 132, 140–141, 165–167, 169–170, 173, 176–177, 183

Fraga, Luis, 12, 114–115, 114n1, 139–140, 228–229, 252–253, 279, 328, 336, 357

Franzini, Luisa, 107

Freer, Regina, 261

Frost, David, 177

Fudge, Marcia, 276n16

Fugiero, Melissa, 227

Gabbard, Tulsi, 60

Gallego, Ruben, 277

García, John, 42

Garcia, Nestor, 203n25

García, Sonia, 176–177, 181, 184, 250–251, 252–253, 257–258

Garcia Bedolla, Lisa, 131

Garner, Eric, 4

Gay, Claudine, 359

gay men, 262

gender. See LGBT community; officials of specific racial and ethnic groups

Gender and Multicultural Leadership Project, 337

gender gaps, 93–94, 149, 156–157, 162, 165–166, 212, 306, 353, 356

gender power, 247

General Social Survey (GSS), 133, 133n19

geographical landscape for officials of color, 63–67

geographical patterns of representation by gender, 71–73

Georgia, 229, 279

Gerber, Alan, 271

Geron, Kim, 40, 227

Gertzog, Irwin, 275

Giddings, Paula, 223

Githens, Marianne, 12, 127

Giuliani, Rudy, 292–293

Glynn, Sarah Jane, 348

GMCL (Gender and Multicultural Leadership) National Survey/ Database. See also Appendix A; Appendix B

accuracy of, 378

on ages of candidates, 142n26

Census Designated Places in, 100n26

on city and county government tallies, 80n2

components of, 377–378

Congressional focus of, 265

consistency of, 378

construction of, 63, 378

expanding, 378–379

on the impact of women officials, 284t6.8

on incumbency vs. open seats, 235–237

limitations of, 383

local government tallies in, 81–82

minority rights categories in, 345

national telephone survey, 381–383

and occupational attainment/prestige, 134

officials included in, 19bInt.I

questionnaire, 384–416

racial/ethnic categories in, 18–19

state and local focus of, 265

updating, 378–379

GMCL Project, 7fInt.2, 6–7, 18–19, 20–23. See also Appendix A; Appendix B

governing boards of local governments, 77, 84–85, 85n9, 86n10, 90–91, 92–93, 96n18, 108, 112, 186–187

Gray, Freddie, 4

Grayson, Deborah, 261

great woman theory, 258

Griffin, John, 373

Griffiths, Martha Wright, 266n10

Grisham, Michelle Lujan, 277

Grofman, Bernard, 298

“The Growing Electoral Clout of Blacks is driven by Turnout, Not Demographics” (Paul Taylor), 46–47

GSS (General Social Survey), 133, 133n19, 134

Guinier, Lani, 9

Gurin, Patricia, 359

Gutiérrez, Henry, 122

Hadley, Charles, 12, 57, 114–115, 150–153, 226–227

Haley, Nikki, 1, 1n1, 2, 5–6, 374

Halpin, John, 47n7, 342n7

Han, Lori Cox, 250, 258–259

Hanabusa, Colleen, 60

Hancock, Ange-Marie, 12, 13, 256

Hardy-Fanta, Carol, 3fI.1, 12, 38–39, 45n6, 47, 51–52, 57–58, 74n13, 140–141, 176–177, 181, 183, 248–251, 252–253, 257–258, 298, 303

Harrell, Jessica, 308

Hart-Celler Act. See Immigration and Nationality Act (1965)

Hartmann, Heidi, 166–167

Hatchett, Shirley, 359

Hawaii

Asian American officials in, 67, 73, 93n16, 203n25

Asian American women officials from, 60

dominated by Democrats, 286

mayors in, 98

Obama as childhood resident of, 60

officials from political families in, 149

Hawaiians, 20n9, 22, 60, 149, 168, 224–225

Hawkesworth, Mary, 232–233, 254

Haynie, Kerrie, 279

Haywoode, Terry, 176–177

health care, 127

Hedge, Hedge, 170, 303

Heimlich, Ralph E., 107

Hellwege, Julia Marin, 212n1, 267–268

Henderson, Wade, 2n2

Henze, Rosemary, 122

Herrick, Rebekah, 354n14

Herring, Mary, 169–170

Hess, Frederick, 228–229

Higher Education Act (1965), 253–254

Hill, Anita, 58

Hill Collins, Patricia, 12

Hirlinger, Michael, 228–229

Hirono, Mazie, 60, 224–225, 225n5, 267–268

Hispanics. See also Latina officials; Latino officials; Latino/na officials

in city/town government, 88, 88n13, 111, 187

Congressional Hispanic Caucus, 277, 363n17

as county supervisors/commissioners, 187

designations of, 22

in the 113th Congress, 268–270

and Proposition 187, 123

racial/ethnic considerations of, 24–25

Republican relationships with, 73–74

as Republicans, 268–270, 271

as U. S. population percentage, 45

Hochschild, Jennifer, 24

Hollihan, Keith, 258–259

Holmes-Norton, Elenor, 129n14

Holzer, Harry, 121–122

Honda, Mike, 278

Hooper, Deona, 110

Horne, Jenny, 2

Horne, Lena, 224

household income, 17, 143–144, 144t3.5, 156–157

Huddy, Leoni, 306

Hughes, Melanie, 234–235

Hull, Gloria, 12, 343

human capital, 116, 132, 134, 216

Idaho, 229n6

ideology. See also conservatives; liberals; middle-of-the-road political positions

in coalition-building, 372

liberal ideology, 309–311

as motivations to run, 171–172

perceived ideology congruence, 17, 310–311, 311t7.5, 312, 331

personal political ideology, 310t7.4, 311t7.5., 318

political ideology, 310–311, 312–313, 312n6, 330–331, 365, 366–368, 372

and political parties, 312–313, 313f7.4

shared with officials and constituents, 312–313, 313f7.4, 329

Illinois, 233–234

immigrant incorporation, 348–351, 350t8.4, 354–356, 367t8.9, 368, 371–372, 374

immigration

of Africans, 31, 43–46

of Asian Americans, 2, 43–46

of Chinese, 36

conservative sentiments against, 313–314

George W. Bush on, 344

immigration bills and reforms, 33–34, 61

immigration generation, 17, 253, 331, 363

immigration rights, 363

of Latinos/as, 2, 43–46

legislation and restrictions against, 34, 34n2, 35, 76, 374–375

officials of color on, 18

and political incorporation, 341

racist policies on, 45

reform of, as a top priority, 344

resistance against, 344

and the U. S. economy, 34n2

Immigration and Nationality Act (1952), 35

Immigration and Nationality Act (1965), 14, 43–46, 45n6, 76

incarceration rates, 115, 137, 343

income, 17, 143–144, 156–157, 313–314, 372, 374–375

incumbency, 57–58, 182–183, 226, 227–229, 233–237, 243–244, 305

Independents (political), 306–309, 309n4, 356–357

individual ambition, 115–116, 163. See also personal ambition; political ambition; progressive ambition

individual/personal qualifications, 74, 117, 128–129, 131, 169, 192, 209, 239–241

Innocence Project, 345n11, 346

institutional influences on elections, 131, 226. See also term limits

interconnected motivations to run, 184–185, 184n15, 189

International City/County Managers Association (ICMA), 227

interracial conflict, 340

intersectionality. See race*gender intersectionality

intersectionality theory, 12, 114, 136–137

issue responsiveness, 316–318, 317n11, 318t7.7., 329–330

issues (top ten for constituents), 327t7.11.

issues/issue passion as motivations to run, 169, 171–172, 173–176, 184–185

Jackson, James S., 359

Jackson, Jesse, 224

Jacobs, Cheryl, 216

Jacobson, Gary, 200

Jaimes, M. Annette, 254

Janklow, Williman, 122

Japanese Americans, 30, 33f1.1

JCPES (Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies), 20, 86, 112

J.D. (Juris Doctor) degrees, 119–120

Jeffries, Hakeem, 276

Jenkins, Krista, 232

Jennings, Jeanette, 176–177

Jewell, Malcolm, 256–257, 278–279, 278n18

Johnson, Bernice, 276n16

Johnson, Kevin, 76

Johnson, Lyndon, 172–173

Johnson, Paul, 116

Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies (JCPES), 20, 112

Jones, Kathleen, 12, 255, 343

Jones-Correa, Michael, 340–341, 359

Jordan-Zachary, Julia, 12, 256

Joseph, Peniel, 172–173

JSTOR database, 77n1

Junn, Jane, 9

jurisdictions. See districts

Justice Policy Institute, 136–137

Kaba, Amadu Jacky, 63

Kahn, Kim Fridkin, 325–326

Kalev, Alexandra, 121–122

Karnig, Albert, 228–229, 234–235

Karps, Paul, 305

Kathlene, Lyn, 259–260, 259n7, 262

Kaufmann, Karen, 79

Kawahara, Debra, 253–254

Kelly, Michele, 121–122

Kelly, Rita Mae, 209, 247, 249–250, 254

Kennedy, Randall, 75, 121n9

Kentucky, 63–67

Kernell, Samuel, 200

Kerry, John, 268–270

Kim, Claire Jean, 340–341

Kim, Donna Mercado, 281

Kimbrough, Walter, 224

Kimmell, Adrienne, 165–166

King, Athena, 289

King, Deborah, 12, 13

King, Martin Luther, Jr., 172–173, 224

Kirksey, Jason, 226–227

Kleeman, Katherine, 142, 232–233

Klomp, Jeroen, 116

Korematsu v. United States, 33

Krane, Dale, 100

Kurtz, Donn, 148

Lai, James, 40, 97n21, 227

Landry, Bart, 359

language minorities, 38

Larimer, Christopher, 272

lateral entry to political office, 200–201

Latina advantage, 114–115, 114n1

Latina Candidate Development Conference, 183

Latino/na officials

and affirmative action, 346

ages of, 141–142

calculating growth of, 86, 97

in California, 63–67

caucuses of, 363n17

change motivations of, 184

in city/town government, 88n13, 89, 93–94, 103, 107n28, 111, 142–143, 212, 230

civic activism/engagement of, 220–222, 224

class-based issues as a priority of, 316–317

with college degrees, 118

in the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, 277

as conservatives, 309–310, 353

and constituent contact, 321–322

constituents’ top policy issues, 326, 327t7.11

as county supervisors/commissioners, 93–96, 96n18, 108, 111, 230

as Democrats, 306–307, 356–357

descriptive representation of, 25

and district systems, 230

educational levels of, 146

elected 1984-2012 with percent female, 51f1.8

embedded in their communities, 215–216

and encouragement/recruitment, 168–169, 193n21, 205–206

financial resources of, 144–145

as first-time candidates, 141–142, 175–176, 184, 212

of foreign-born parents, 348–351

geographical landscape/distribution for, 69

growing numbers of, 39–40, 42f. 1.2, 84–85, 84t2.1, 89

growing political power of, 47

ICMA data on, 227

and immigrant incorporation, 348–351

and incumbency, 234–235

issue motivations of, 175–176

Latino constituents of, 300

in Latino majority districts, 227

in leadership positions, 2, 2n2, 21n10

as liberals, 353

and linked fate, 359

in local politics, 341

married to Whites, 139–140

as mayors, 97–99, 111

and minority rights, 373

non-Hispanic White constituents of, 300

occupational attainment/prestige of, 124, 133–134

officials’ numbers increasing, 39–40

parental educational levels of, 146–148

paths to office of, 200–203, 227

perceived partisan congruence among, 307–309

and the pipeline theory, 163

political allies of, 357

political influence of, 46–47

political party activities of, 216–218

progressive ambitions of, 212

as Representatives (U.S.), 39

salaries of, 104–107, 107n28

and same-sex marriage, 368–369

on school boards, 93–94, 111, 230

in state government leadership positions, 279

as state legislators, 300, 328, 357

in Texas, 63–67

top counties for, 338, 339t8.1

underrepresentation of, 89

voting with the majority or minority, 286

and the VRA, 346

working class constituents of, 176, 314

years in office since first election of, 195, 195n22

Latina officials

ages of, 141

in business, 124

change motivations of, 187

as city/town councilors, 192

in city/town government, 93–96, 111, 168, 187, 190, 210–211

with college degrees, 118

as committee chairs, 270–272

in community activism/nonprofit organizations, 215–216

community motivations of, 176–177, 190

in the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, 277

as Congressional party leaders, 274–275, 275n14

and constituent contact, 321–322

as county supervisors/commissioners, 94–96, 96n18, 108, 111, 145, 187

disadvantages of, 156–157

disadvantages overcome by, 12, 15, 115, 153, 156–157, 161

in education, 124, 130, 131

educational attainment required of, 115

educational levels of, 115, 153

elected, vs. all U.S. Latina officials, 66m1.2

family resources of, 156–157

financial benefits of marriage for, 143–144

as financially disadvantaged, 143–144

first elective office of, 195

as first-time candidates, 141, 176–177, 187, 190, 192, 210–211, 226–227

of foreign-born parents, 148

formal and informal political leadership of, 250–251

growing numbers of, 51–52, 96f2.3

household income of, 143–144

immigrant policies of, 351

integrative leadership style of, 257–258

issue motivations of, 176–177, 187

and Latina advantage, 114–115, 114n1

leadership of, 252–253

leadership styles of, 198–199

as liberals, 309–310

in local government, 300–303

in mainstream politics, 184

in majority–minority districts, 229

marital status of, 136–140

as mayors, 97–99, 97n20, 111

mixed-race constituents of, 299, 300–303

in nonprofit organizations, 124

occupational attainment/prestige of, 132, 133–134, 153, 156–157

and open-seat elections, 233–234

and party congruence, 312

party support for, 218–220

personal motivations of, 190, 210–211

from political families, 48, 148, 156–157

and political ideology congruence, 312n7

political ideology congruence among, 312n6

political motivations of, 192

and racial congruence, 312, 312n7

racialized gender of, 336

as Republicans, 271

on school boards, 94–96, 111–113, 168, 175, 192

and shared policy positions, 372

in single-member districts, 226–227

as state legislators, 53–55, 195, 233–234, 336

strategic intersectionality of, 336

subcommittees chaired by, 270

and support for minority rights, 330–331

on the Supreme Court, 1

and term limits, 232–233

viewed as hard working, 263–265

voting with the majority or minority, 287

women viewed as persuasive by, 265

in the Women’s Caucus, 275

Latino officials

ages of, 141

in business, 124

change motivations of, 187

in city/town government, 111, 168, 175, 187

coethnic constituents of, 299

with college degrees, 118

community as motivation to run, 179

community motivations of, 179–181

competitive traits of, 183

and constituent contact, 321–322

as county supervisors/commissioners, 111, 144–145, 175, 187

disadvantages of, 155–157

and the double disadvantage thesis, 15

in education, 130, 131

and encouragement/recruitment, 168

family resources of, 146, 156–157

financial benefits of marriage for, 143–144

financial resources of, 145

first elective office of, 195

as first-time candidates, 141, 179–181, 182–183, 187, 191, 226–227

gendered political style of, 181

and government assistance, 146

household income of, 143–144

issue motivations of, 187

and linked fate, 363–365

in local government, 300–303

majority Latino/na constituents of, 300–303

margins of victory of, 237–239

marital status of, 139–140

as mayors, 97–99, 97n20, 111, 175

in non-profit organizations, 124

occupational attainment/prestige of, 133–134, 156–157

from political families, 156–157

political interests of, 191

in poor districts, 144–145

representation motivations of, 182–183

on school boards, 111–113, 182–183

in single-member districts, 226–227

as state legislators, 179, 191, 195, 225–226

strategical motivations of, 191

and term limits, 232–233

and traditional minority rights, 366

and the VRA, 366

Latinos/as (general). See also Cuban Americans and Cuba; Hispanics; Mexican Americans

aligned with Blacks, 340–341

vs. Blacks, 340–341

with college degrees, 118

equal rights to education lacking for, 121–124

geographical landscape/distribution for, 63–67, 185n16

immigration of, 2, 43–46

incarceration rates among, 136–137

and the Latino experience, 32–33

and linked fate, 362

parity ratios of, 61, 87–88, 89

as population percentage, 45–46, 46f1.5

as Representatives (U.S.), 267–268

as Republicans, 267–268

and same-sex marriage, 353

self-identification of, 23–25

states with no representation by, 63–67

in Texas, 72–73

and Thornburg v. Gingles, 39

voter registration among, 42

voting for Obama, 46–47, 47n7, 342

and the VRA, 39–40

Lau v. Nichols, 122–123

law (legal profession), 115–116, 119–120, 124–129, 128f3.2

Lawless, Jennifer, 116, 129, 132, 140–141, 161, 162, 164, 164n2, 165–167, 169–170, 183, 256–257, 266–267, 273, 306

leadership. See also officials of specific racial or ethnic groups in leadership positions; positional leadership

overviews, 77–113, 247–288

of committees, in Congress, 269t6.2

and community connection, 260

Congressional, 265–278

Congressional party leadership, 266–267, 274

contested notions of, 248–249, 256

gendered differences in styles of, 248, 256–260, 262, 263–265, 264t6.1, 282–285

leadership theory, 16

masculinist bias in, 249–250, 254

in the 113th Congress, 18–19

party control of, 266, 267–273, 274

policy leadership, 248, 282–285

praxis of leadership, 255

race*gender intersectionality in, 266–267

racial gendering in policy decisions and, 256

state government/legislatures, 278–281

styles of, by gender, 263f6.1

transformations of political leadership, 2, 3–11, 16, 248, 257–258, 306

Leal, David, 228–229

Lean In (movement), 260n8

Lean In: Women, Work and the Will to Lead (Sandberg), 260n8

Lee, Barbara, 165, 170, 170n8, 276n16

Lee, Edwin, 98

Leonhardt, David, 136–137

Lewis, John, 274

LGBT community, 177, 351–353

liberals

Asian American officials as, 353

Black candidates as, 201

Black officials as, 289, 353

and the Clarence Thomas debate, 58

coalition-building demographics of, 374n21

conflicting with minorities, 340–341

cooperating with minorities, 340

Latino/na officials as, 353

officials of color as, 309–311

and racial congruence, 312n7

and same-sex marriage, 353

in Texas, 67

women officials as, 282

women officials of color as, 356

and women’s reproductive rights, 369–371

Lie, John, 340–341

Lien, Pei-te, 7fInt.2, 32, 38–39, 45n6, 57–58, 298, 303, 337, 341–342

Lifting as We Climb (motivational phrase), 260n9

Limbaugh, Rush, 75

linked fate

and American Indians, 362

and Asian Americans, 362

and Asian American men, 363–365

and Blacks, 359, 362

and Black men, 359, 363–366

and Black women, 361, 365–366

and bridge-building, 342

and coalition-building, 358–361, 360t8.7., 363–365

and community motivation to run, 181–182

defined, 31

and Latino/na officials, 359, 363–365

and Latinos/as, 362

perceptions of, 363–365

variations in, 362–363

Lizotte, Mary-Kate, 306

local government. See also city/town government; county government; mayors; officials of specific races or ethnicities in specific forms of local government; school boards

overview, 77–113

authors’ recommendations regarding, 111–112

calculating minority growth in, 85–87, 86n10, 89n14

communities of color impacted by, 79, 99, 104, 110n30, 111–112

designations of officials in, 82n5

devolution to, 82, 100

governing boards of, 92–94

as laboratories of democracy, 100

lack of attention to officials in, 79–80

lawyers in, 128–129

as legislative vs. administrative, 92

male-dominated, 78

and Mervyn Dymally, 201

motivations to run for, 173, 178

NALEO data on, 86

and Obama, 199

and occupational attainment/prestige, 124–127

officials of color as majority in, 80–82, 111, 127

officials with college degrees in, 119–120

parity ratios of, 87–89

party support in elections to, 218–220

political experience of officials in, 204

and prior office holding, 204

and public service, 173

racial/gender makeup of jurisdictions of, 300–303, 302f7.2

representation in, 290

research lacking on, 85n7, 88n12

responsibilities devolving to, 100

significance of, 5, 79

and single-member districts, 227

as study focus, 77n1, 79–80, 100–102

substantive representation in, 108–111

symbolic representation in, 108–111

top occupations of officials of color in, 125t3.2

underrepresentation in, 29

and the VRA, 84–85

women underrepresented in, 94

Lockhart, Emiley, 165

Logistic Regression Predictors of Class-Based Issue Responsiveness, 317n11, 318t7.7.

Longoria, Thomas, 228–229

Louisiana, 63–67, 148

Loverby, Marvin, 272

Loya, Rebecca, 115n2, 178n12

Lucas, Tamara, 122

Luján, Ben Ray, 274–275

Lynn, Seth, 328–329, 329n17

MacManus, Susan, 92, 104, 108, 145n30, 227, 234–235

Madison, James, 293

Maestas, Cherie, 197–198, 200, 320

Maine, 63–67, 286n20

majority support rule, 9

majority–minority districts, 39, 57–58, 60, 226, 229, 298

majority–minority status of the United States, 335

making a change or difference. See change

male officials. See men (officials); men of color (officials); men of specific races or ethnicities

Mandel, Ruth, 142, 356

Manning, Jennifer, 266–267

Mansbridge, Jane, 8, 60, 293, 305

Manuel, Tiffany, 260

margins of victory, 237–239, 238t5.10, 243–244

Mariani, Mack, 129

Marlette, Andy, 375f8.2

Márquez, Benjamin, 22

Márquez, Marisela, 176–177, 183–184, 250–251, 257–258

marriage

and household income, 144t3.5.

and the marriage gap, 137, 143–144

of officials to officials, 139

as perceived disadvantage for candidates, 136–137, 139

as a personal choice, 136–137, 156–157

and race, 139–140

racial gendering of, 136–137

resources available in, 137–140, 143–144

as study focus, 156–157

Marshall, Dale, 8–9, 341

Marshall, Melissa, 79

Marshall, Thurgood, 58, 224

Martin, Mathieu, 110

Martin, Trayvon, 4

Martinez-Ebers, Valerie, 228–229

Maryland, 4, 69, 229n6, 279

Massachusetts, 123, 123n11, 141, 261, 368

Masuoka, Natalie, 24–25, 24n13

Matsui, Doris, 60, 276

mayors. See specific races, ethnicities, and genders of mayors

Mazur, Amy, 293

McConnell, Mitch, 75, 75n15

McCool, Daniel, 228–229

McCrary, Peyton, 42

McDonagh, Eileen, 256–257

McDonald, Laughlin, 344

McDonald, Michael, 196

Meier, Joseph, Jr., 228–229

Meier, Kenneth, 110, 110n30, 228–229

men (officials)

ages of, 141–142

as candidates, 176

in city/town government, 176–177

as county supervisors/commissioners, 233

and the death penalty, 356

in education, 124, 131

and education policy changes, 354

as first-time candidates, 141–142

as incumbents, 234–235

as lawyers, 128–129

leadership differing from women, 256–260

in leadership positions, 257–258

as liberals, 309–310

margins of victory of, 237

marital status of, 136–137

in the 113th Congress, 142–143

political ambition of, 116, 209

public service motivations of, 176

as Representatives (U.S.), 131

running unopposed, 234

on school boards, 142–143

as state legislators, 128–129, 136–137, 232–233, 234

and term limits, 232–233

top policy issues for, 325–326

men of color (officials). See also officials of color (general); specific races or ethnicities of men

ages of, 141–142

campaign disadvantages perceived by, 16, 208–209

in CAWP occupational categories, 127

change motivations of, 187

in city/town government, 102–107

civic activism/engagement of, 220–222

with college degrees, 119–120

as committee chairs, 268–270

community motivations of, 177, 206

on Congressional committees, 273

as county supervisors/commissioners, 187

Democratic Party affiliation of, 306–307

disadvantages faced by, 115, 153

disadvantages perceived by, 239–241

in education, 124, 131

and encouragement/recruitment, 166, 168–169

family resources of, 152153t3.8

first elective office of, 193–196

as first-time candidates, 16, 141–142, 177, 187, 189, 206

of foreign-born parents, 148

institutional mobility of, 272

and at-large elections, 230

as lawyers, 124–127, 128–129

marital status of, 137–140

minority officials as allies of, 357–358

and multimember districts, 229, 230

occupational attainment/prestige of, 133–134

in the 113th Congress, 268–270

personal motivations of, 189

personal resources of, 152153t3.8

political party activities of, 216–218

as population percentage, 113

as Republicans, 268–270

salaries of, 104–107

and same-sex marriage, 353

on school boards, 142–143, 144–145

and single-member districts, 230–231

as state legislators, 124, 128–129, 136–137, 166, 204, 259–260, 272

and structural oppression, 150, 156–157

subcommittees chaired by, 270

and underrepresentation, 287–288

years in office since first election of, 195

Menéndez, Robert, 268–270

Meng, Grace, 60

Merl, Jean, 203

Mexican Americans, 24–25, 30, 38, 73, 149

Meyer, Ilan, 177

middle-of-the-road political positions, 309–310

Mikulski, Barbara, 136, 267

Miller, Candice, 267

Miller, Lisa, 110

Mink, Patsy Takemoto, 1, 253–254, 275–276

minority civil rights

Black officials supporting, 371–372

factors determining support for, 368, 371

issue positions on, 346, 347t8.2

new minority rights, 366, 368–369

traditional, 363, 366

minority rights

coalitions based on, 365

defined, 329

divergent gender attitudes toward, 325

GMCL categories of, 345

minority officials’ support of, 373

new minority rights, 356, 366

officials-constituents congruence on, 17

support for, 329, 330t7.12., 331, 366, 367t8.9.

traditional minority rights, 356, 366

Minta, Michael, 273, 295–296, 306, 363n17

Mishler, William, 291

Mississippi, 39, 42, 67, 109, 279

Missouri, 4

mixed motivations to run for office, 184–185, 184n15, 189

Moncrief, Gary, 57, 134

Montana, 63–67

Montoya, Lisa, 176–177, 181

Mooney, Christopher, 320–321

Moore, Robert, 209

Mora, Magdalena, 255

Moraga, Cherríe, 343

Moran, Rachel, 122–123

Morgan, Sandra, 255

motivations to run for office. See change (making a difference); community connection; encouragement/recruitment; ideologies; interconnected motivations; issues/issue passion; local government; personal ambition; personal motivations; political ambition; political interest; public interest/public service; representation; self-focused political motivation; strategic motivations; typology of motivations

multiculturality. See also adult socialization; coalitions across race and gender; occupational attainment/prestige; social movements; specific racial or ethnic groups

of adult socialization, 224–225

in American states, 286

and coalition building, 361–362

and democracy, 14–15

Gender and Multicultural Leadership Project, 337

in the GMCL Project, 7–8

in leadership and governance, 4, 7–8

multicultured officials, 134

and multiethnic identity, 23–25

of officials of color, 22

of political leaders, 133–134, 337, 338–340

of social movements, 224–225

in states, 286

multi-member districts (MMDs), 16, 226–227, 229–231, 230n7, 231t5.7

multiple identity advantage, 115

multiracial/multiple ethnicities, 21n11, 23–25, 254, 341

municipal government. See city/town government

Murray, Patty, 267

NACo (National Association of Counties), 107–108

Nakanishi, Don, 97n21

NALEO (National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials), 20, 21n10, 85n7, 86, 96n18, 112

narratives of exclusion, 29–30

National Association of Colored Women, 260n9

National Federation of Afro-American Women, 260n9

National Hispanic Leadership Agenda (NHLA) Congressional Scorecard, 282–283

National League of Cities, 89, 102, 102n27, 112

National Opinion Research Center (NORC), 133, 133n19, 134

National Organization of Women (NOW), 226–227, 233–234

Nationality Act(s), 34, 35

Native Americans. See headings under American Indians

Navarro, Sharon, 12, 198–199, 252–253

Nepstad, Sharon Erickson, 260, 320

New Deal, 31

New Hampshire, 229n6

New Jersey, 229n6

New Mexico, 34, 63–67, 254n4

New York, 4

Newmark, David, 121–122

Niemi, Richard, 256–257

Nil, David, 81–82

Nnamaeka, Obioma, 251–252

No Child Left Behind program, 123, 345, 354, 355t8.6.

Nobles, Melissa, 24n12

nonelectoral politics, 250–251, 255

non-Hispanic White men (officials), 232, 233

non-Hispanic White women (officials)

and Clarence Thomas, 60

data on, 52n9

in education, 124

officeholder share of, 52–53, 52n9

as state legislators, 55, 56f1.11, 124

and women of color, 343

and women officials of color, 52–53

non-Hispanic Whites (general)

Asian American local representatives of, 300–303

Asian American state representatives of, 300

with college degrees, 118

and encouragement/recruitment, 168–169

Latino/na state representatives of, 300

lawyers among, 129

overrepresentation of, 61

parity ratios of, 61

vs. people of color, 22

as population percentage, 45–47

representation of, vs. other ethnoracial groups, 298

represented by American Indians, 303

represented by Asian Americans, 303

as Senators in the 113th Congress, 129

nonpartisan elections, 78, 169, 206, 218–220

nonprofit organizations as feeder occupation 124. See also community activism/nonprofit organizations

NORC (National Opinion Research Center), 133, 133n19, 134

North Carolina, 4, 63–67, 74, 228, 229

North Dakota, 63–67, 229n6

Nyiri, Zsolt, 227

Obama, Barack

authors’ encounter with, 6–7, 7fInt.2

challenges to presidency of, 74–76, 75n14

and the civil rights movement, 40

and the Common Core curriculum, 345n10

election of, and race relations, 4

and the GMCL Project, 7fInt.2

and linked fate, 365n19

local office skipped by, 199

and minority voting percentages, 46–47, 47n7

multiracial/multiethnic coalitions helping elect, 342

racial/ethnic identities of, 372

racism faced by, 61n11

representational questions regarding, 292–293, 293n2

as state legislator, 199

Obergefell et al. v. Hodges, 345, 351

O’Brien, Erin, 74, 74n13

occupational attainment/prestige

as barriers for minorities, 116

of Black women officials, 153

and the civil rights movement, 117, 121–122

contexts for, 156–157

and the double disadvantage thesis, 155

and family resources, 153–155

of Latina officials, 153

and level of office, 124–127, 126t3.3

and marital status, 137, 143–144

for multicultural policial leaders, 133–134

and personal resources, 146

and race*gender intersectionality, 124–131, 132, 135f3.3, 143

required of minority women vs. Whites, 115

scores for, 133n18

and the VRA, 117

and the women’s movement, 117

O’Connor, Karen, 282

officials of color (general). See also men of color (officials); women of color (officials)

(overviews), 77–113, 114–157

abilities of, to work together, 338–340

and affirmative action, 346, 354–356

as ambitious, 206

baseline portraits of, 15, 18

campaign disadvantages perceived by, 16

campaign status of, 236t5.9

on the campaign trail, 11

as candidates, 16

ceilings for, 196, 205, 207

as city/town councilors, 14, 18, 78, 90, 98, 100, 108, 111

in city/town government, by salaries, 103t2.5

civic activism/engagement of, 220–222, 223f5.1

on class-based issue priorities, 316–318

coalition-building by, 18

with college degrees, 119f3.1

as Congressional party leaders, 275

congruence with constituents of, 313f7.4

and constituent contact, 320, 321t7.8, 322t7.9, 331–332

constituent relationships of, 9, 17, 289, 295, 319–324

constituents’ top policy issues, 324–326, 324n14, 325f7.5

constraints on, 9, 17, 287–288

contacted by constituents, 322–324, 323t7.10.

in county government, 109t2.8.

as county supervisors/commissioners, 2, 18, 78, 81n3, 83, 108

death penalty opposed by, 346

delegate representation favored by, 295

as Democrats, 306–307, 356–357

demographic change among, 373

disadvantages of, perceived, 239–241, 240t5.11

disadvantages of, perceived vs. measured, 153–155

distribution of, 48f. 1.6, 59f1.13

distribution of, by race, 70t1.3

educational attainment of, 120t3.1

educational levels of, 118–120, 314–316

and encouragement/recruitment, 168–169, 218–220

enumeration of, 379

exclusion of, 292

in feeder occupations, 124, 132

first elective office of, 193

in first elective position, 194f4.3

as first-time candidates, 179–181, 187–188

by gender, 90f2.2

and gendered leadership styles, 262

geographical landscape/distribution for, 63–67

and government assistance, 146

growing numbers of, 2, 2n2, 5n3, 6, 29, 30, 35, 47–52, 373

and ideology, 313f7.4

ignored by political parties, 166–167, 205–206

ignored in research, 130

and immigrant incorporation, 368, 371–372

and immigration, 18

and incumbency, 243–244

as incumbents, 235–237

as lawyers, 124, 128f. 3.2, 129

in leadership positions, 270–272

leadership styles of, 11

by level of office, 81f. 2.1, 90f2.2

and linked fate, 358–361, 360t8.7, 364t8.8.

in local government, 77–113, 92t2.3, 95t2.4, 104t2.6, 126t3.3, 127–128

and the marriage gap, 137

as mayors, 14, 78, 97–99

minorities’ rights advanced by, 329–331

and minority civil rights, 371–372

motivated to run for office, 11, 15–16, 173, 179–181, 187–188

occupational attainment/prestige of, 145

in the 113th Congress, 128–129, 193, 273

in the 114th Congress, 267–268, 273

parental educational levels of, 146–148

parity ratios of, 115

personal backgrounds of, 11, 15

personal political ideology, 310t7.4.

political allies of, 357

political ambition of, 243–244

and political parties, 313f7.4

poor constituents of, 314

positional leadership of, 287

primary racial/ethnic background of, 23f.Int.3

and prior office holding, 197–198

public interest motivations to run, 173, 189

and race, 313f7.4

and racial events investigations, 5

representational roles of, 11

as Representatives (U.S.), 39

as Republicans, 356–357

as research focus, 6, 10–11

on school boards, 18, 78

as Senate party leaders, 274

as state legislators, 142–143, 203–204, 306–307

terminology for, 383

top occupations of, 125t3.2

top occupations of, in state government, 126t3.3

top ten policy issues for, 313f. 7.4, 325f7.5

transforming the political landscape, 76, 248

trustee representation favored by, 295

and underrepresentation, 4–6, 8, 373

underrepresentation of, 29

as veterans, 328–329, 328n16, 329n17

voting records of, self-reported, 286t6.9.

and voting rights, 18

voting with the majority or minority, 285–288, 357

and the VRA, 45f1.4, 346, 347t8.2., 354–356

and welfare reform, 18

in White-dominated regions, 3–4, 71

women’s rights advanced by, 18, 329–331, 348, 354–356

and women’s welfare rights, 354–356

working class constituents of, 314

officials of color (men). See men of color (officials)

officials of color (women). See women of color (officials)

Ohio, 4

Oklahoma, 63–67, 73

O’Leary, Ann, 348

OLS regression models/estimations, 156t3.10, 330t7.12, 361, 364t8.8, 367t8.9, 370t8.10.

Olson, Susan, 228–229

Omi, Michael, 6, 24n12

108th Congress, 266–267, 268–270, 269t6.2

113th Congress

first elective office in, 193

GMCL data from, 18–19

lawyers in, 128–129, 128f3.2

leadership positions in, 18–19

men in, 142–143

and the NHLA Scorecard, 282–283, 283t6.6.

non-Hispanic Whites in, 129

officials of color in, 128–129, 193

parity by race and gender in, 62t1.1

White women officials in, 270

women chairing committees in, 266–267, 269t6.2

women in, 142–143

114th Congress, 267–270, 271, 273, 274, 276

open-seat elections, 57–58, 170, 179, 191, 233–237

Orey, Byron, 272

Owens, Michael, 227

Pachon, Harry, 85

Pacific Islanders, 20n9, 22

Painter, Matthew, 234–235

Palmer, Barbara, 163

Palus, Christine Kelleher, 112–113

parity ratios. See 113th Congress; Congress; parity ratios of specific races, ethnicities, and genders ; state government/legislatures

Park, Edward J.W., 340–341

Park, John S.W., 340–341

Parker, Brenda, 78

Parma, Missouri, 99–100

partisanship

and Anita Hill, 58

and Clarence Thomas, 58

in coalition building, 372

congruence on, 307–309

of constituents, 17, 170

in issue positions, 356–357

and margins of victory, 237–239

and party involvement in elections, 218–220

perceived partisan congruence, 17, 308t7.3.

and voting restrictions, 74

paths to office, 15–16, 115–116, 164, 197. See also trajectories to office

Patsy Mink Act, 253–254

Patterson, Orlando, 40

Paxton, Pamela, 234–235

Pelosi, Nancy, 141, 266

people of color. See men and women of specific races or ethnicities ; officials of color (general); officials of specific races or ethnicities

perceived congruence

accuracy of, 303–304, 304t7.2, 308, 331–332

on class-based issue priorities, 331

for communities of color, 295–299

on constituent ideology, 311t7.5.

on ideology, 17, 308t7.3., 331

and partisanship, 17, 307–309, 308t7.3., 331

on party affiliation, 307–309, 309n4

of personal political ideology, 318

on race, party, and ideology, 312–313, 313f7.4

on racial identity, 297, 298–299, 312n7, 314, 331

on racial identity in jurisdictions by level of office, 304t7.2.

on racial identity in jurisdictions by race, 299t7.1.

rationale for study of, 297–298

of representational roles, 297

on socioeconomic class, 314–316, 315t7.6.

variations by level of office, 299

variations by race*gender, 299

perceived disadvantages. See also officials of specific races, ethnicities, and genders

of Asian American men officials, 156–157

by Asian American officials, 155–156

by Black men officials, 155–156

of Black men officials, 244

of Black women officials, 244

in campaigns, 239–241

by first-time candidates, 239, 241, 242

gender explanations of, 240t5.11., 242

itemizations of, 239–241

by Latino officials, 155–156

of Latino officials, 156–157

by level of office, 241–242

in marriage, 136–137, 139

of officials of color, 208–209

racial explanations of, 240t5.11., 242

of women, 154t3.9.

of women of color, 153

by women of color, 155–156

of women of color, 239–241

perceived margins of victory. See margins of victory

Perceived Professional and Political Disadvantages Index, 155–156, 156t3.10, 241

perceived support from political allies, 358f8.1

Persily, Nathaniel, 73

personal ambition. See also political ambition; individual ambition

community connectedness vs., 15–16, 187–188

and community motivation to run, 187–188

as motivation to run, 161–162, 208, 209–211

as path to office, 15–16

among personal motivations, 189

political ambition vs., 242–243

and self-interest motivations, 189

variations in, 189–190

in women, 209–211

of women running for office, 165

personal backgrounds, 292, 297–298

personal qualifications. See individual/personal qualifications

personal resources, 138t3.4, 151153t3.7, 152t3.8, 176, 362–363, 365, 366, 369–372

Pettit, Becky, 136–137

Pew Research Center, 353

Philips, Anne, 8, 293

Philpot, Tasha, 176–177, 359

Piggins, Ashley, 110

Pinckney, Clementa, 2, 5–6, 197

Pinderhughes, Dianne, 7fInt.2, 31, 38–39, 57–58, 75, 184, 260n9, 298, 303

pipeline theory, 15, 129, 130, 162–164, 232

Pitkin, Hannah, 25n14, 291–292, 293, 294, 297

Pittinsky, Todd, 258–259

police violence, 374–375

policy issues of constituents, 324–329, 324n14, 325f. 7.5, 327t7.11.

Polinard, Jerry, 228–229

political ambition. See also personal ambition; political interest as motivation to run; progressive ambition; individual ambition

as barrier to office holding, 250

beyond political ambition, 212–215

and Black female advantage, 115

of Black women, 57, 115

and community connection, 209

literature on, 206–207

meanings of, 15–16, 243–244

of men, 116

as motivation to run, 209–211, 212–215, 242–243

of officials of color, 243–244

as a path to office, 116

vs. personal ambition, 161–162, 242–243

political ambition theory, 200–201, 209

and political preparation, 116

types of, 209–210

variant views of, by race, 15–16

of White officials, 243–244

of women, 116, 149, 209

political capital, 15–16, 116, 140, 215, 216–218, 243

political exclusion. See exclusion of ethnic and racial minorities

political experience prior to office holding

and ambition theory, 200–201

as career ladder, 196–198, 206–207

in local government, 204

and political ambition, 196–197

by race*gender, 219t5.5.

in state legislatures, 203–204, 205t4.8

political families, 148–150, 153, 156–157

political incorporation

benchmarks of, 8–9

defined, 17, 341

of immigrants, 34

and interracial coalitions, 341–342

and leadership positions, 287–288

and majority voting, 285–287, 357

of men of color, 278–279

and officials of color, 248, 285–287

people of color excluded from, 121–122

and positional leadership, 265

of state officials of color, 278–279

of White women, 278–279

of women of color, 278–279

political influence, 43–47, 203, 357–358, 362–363

political interests as motivation to run, 170, 171–172, 172f. 4.1, 187–188, 191–193

political parties. See also Democrats/Democratic Party; Independents; partisanship; Republicans/Republican Party

affiliations of, by race, 307f7.3

and ideology, 312–313, 313f7.4

minority participation in, 100, 110

officials of color as active in, 216–220

officials of color ignored by, 166–167, 168–169, 205–206

and perceived disadvantages, 239

and race, 312–313, 313f7.4

recruitment by, 116, 165–167, 168–169, 243

political socialization, 148, 150, 243. See also political families

Politics, Groups, and Identities (journal), 80

politics of difference, 16–17, 201, 257, 287

positional leadership

defined, 247–248

feminist critiques of, 249–251

gaps in research on, 254

of officials of color, 287

in the 114th Congress, 274

and political incorporation, 265

revisited, 254–256

significance of, 254–255

at state level, 278–281

womanist critiques of, 251–254

and women of color, 198

poverty, 135–136, 143, 144–145, 176, 314, 322–323, 336

Powell, Adam Clayton, 21n10

Powell, Lynda, 256–257

prayer in schools, 345, 354, 355t8.6

predictors of community motivation to run, 180t4.2.

Press, Bill, 75

Prestage, Jewel, 12, 127

Prindeville, Diane-Michelle, 254

Prinz, Timothy, 170

prior office holding, 196–198, 199–201, 200t4.7., 203–204, 205t4.8, 206–207, 219t5.5

Pritchard, Anita, 226–227, 233–234

progressive ambition, 197–198, 206, 208, 209–210, 211–212, 213t5.1., 243. See also personal ambition; political ambition; individual ambition

proportional representation, 61, 226–227, 234, 280–281

Propositions 187 and 227 (California), 123

public interest/public service as motivation to run, 171–172, 173–175, 174t4.1., 176–177, 186f. 4.2, 189

Puerto Ricans and Puerto Rico, 1, 20, 21n10, 30, 32

Pulido, Laura, 255

Quan, Jean, 98

Quealy, Kevin, 136–137

race power, 247

race shared with officials and constituencies, 312–313, 313f. 7.4, 329

race*gender intersectionality. See also double disadvantage thesis

and Black women officials’ perceived disadvantages, 244

in city/town government, 102–104

and Congressional leadership, 266–267

defined, 13–14

and financial resources, 143–144

growing numbers of officials of colors, 47–52

and the legal profession, 127–128

and margins of victory, 237

and marriage, 136–137, 143–144, 156–157

and motivations to run, 166

and occupational attainment/prestige, 124–131, 132, 133–134, 135f3.3, 143

occupational research lacking for, 127

and party support for Latina candidates, 220

provisions of, 136–137

and reasons to run, 172–173

in salaries, 104–107

scholars of, 12

and underrepresentation, 29–30

race/ethnicity population projections, 46f1.5

racial makeup of jurisdictions (state), 301f7.1, 303

racial/ethnic identity and categorization, 20–23, 20n9, 21n10, 21n11

racism, 5, 13, 58, 60, 61n11, 197–198, 222, 252–253, 260–262, 343

Ramsey, Randall, 100n25

Randolph, A. Phillip, 224

rankings of states, 67–69, 70t1.3

Ransford, Paige, 148–149

rational choice paradigm, 162, 162n1

reasons to run for office. See motivations to run for office

Recio, Martha, 97n20

recruitment to run for office. See encouragement/recruitment to run

Red Power Movement, 343

Reed, Adolph, 289

Reingold, Beth, 227, 258–259, 278–279, 282, 285, 308

representation

overview, 289–332

delegate view of, 293–295, 297, 318–319

interconnected modes of, 291

and minorities’ underrepresentation, 293

of nonminorities by minorities, 289–290

and politico representatives, 293

and representative–constituent similarities, 290

roles of, 293–295

theoretical considerations of, 291–293

trustee view of, 293–295, 297, 318–319, 331

and women’s underrepresentation, 293

representation as motivation to run, 171–172, 172f. 4.1, 173, 182–183, 184–185, 189

Representatives (U.S.). See also 108th Congress; 113th Congress; 114th Congress; headings under leadership

American Indians as, 303

Asian American women as, 253–254

Asian Americans as, 303

Black officials as, 39, 271–272

Latino/na officials as, 39

Latinos/as (general) as, 267–268

men (officials) as, 131

officials of color as, 39

women as, 131

Republican Party Caucus, 266

Republicans

and African Americans, 337n3

anti-immigration policies of, 34n2

and Asian American officials, 353

and Asian Americans, 337n3

Congress controlled by, 267–268, 270–272

and the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, 277

and Latinos/as, 337n3

and Nikki Haley, 374

and officials of color, 356–357

and the 108th Congress, 268–270

and the 114th Congress, 267–270

and perceived party affiliation, 307–309

rightward movement of, 337n3

and same-sex marriage, 353, 353n12

and state legislators, 308–309, 353n12

and support for minority rights, 330–331

and the VRA, 73–74

Whites as, 342

and women of leadership positions, 278–279

and women officials, 266, 356–357

research methodology, 18–19, 21n11, 262, 287. See also Appendix A; Appendix B; JCPES; NALEO; Who Leads Us?

Ribble, John, 107

Rice, Tamir, 4

Rivera-Salgado, Gaspar, 340–341

Robinson, Jennifer, 228–229

Robinson, Ted, 228–229

Rocca, Michael, 271–272

Rodriguez, Antonio, 79

Roe v. Wade, 344–345, 348, 356–357, 369

Rogers, Melvin, 110

Roosevelt, Franklin, 31

Rosenthal, Cindy, 9, 250, 256–257, 259–260, 262

Ros-Lehtinen, Ileana, 1, 270

Rosser-Mims, Dionne, 260–261

Rubio, Marco, 61n11, 270n12

Rugeley, Cynthia, 197–198, 200

Ruhil, Anirudh, 79

Rule, Wilma, 226–227

Saint-Germain, Michelle, 226–227, 234, 323–324

Saito, Leland, 340–341

salaries, 106t2.7., 107n28

same-sex civil union/marriage, 345, 347t8.2., 351–353, 367t8.9., 374

same-sex couples’ rights, 351–354, 352t8.5, 363, 367t8.9.

Sanbonmatsu, Kira, 51–52, 116, 130, 132, 150, 164, 166–167, 212–215, 216–220, 282, 356–357

Sánchez, Linda, 268–270, 277

Sandberg, Sheryl, 260n8

Sawyer, Mark, 340–341

Scheurer, Katherine, 323–324

Schiffer, Molly, 110

Schiraldi, Vincent, 136–137

Schlesinger, Joseph, 162n1, 209–210

Schmidt, Sr., Ronald, 8–9, 24

school boards. See also local government; officials of specific races, ethnicities, and genders on school boards

class-based issue responsiveness on, 317

and electoral structure, 225–226

as first elective office, 193, 195

incumbency on, 234–235

and at-large elections, 228–229

length of service on, 196

margins of victory on, 237

perceived partisan congruence on, 308–309

and personal ambition, 211

and prior office holding, 203–204

and traditional minority rights, 369

trustee representation favored on, 295

school vouchers, 345, 354, 355t8.6., 356–357

Schousen, Matthew, 201

Schram, Sanford, 100

Schuhmann, Robert, 57, 134, 173, 176–177

Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie, 291

Scola, Becki, 225–226, 229–230

Scott, Patricia, 12, 343

Scott, Tim, 2, 270n12

Scott, Walter, 4

Seale, Bobby, 261

Segura, Gary, 289

self-focused motivation to run, 171–172, 184, 187–188, 188t4.3

self-starter candidates, 165–166, 206–207

Sellers, Patrick, 201

Selma (film), 172–173

Senators (U.S.), 128–129, 224–225, 258n6

sexism, 13, 58, 61n11, 197–198, 222, 252–253

Shah, Paru, 79

Shaw, Todd, 289

Shelby County v. Holder, 74, 344, 374–375

shootings of minorities, 4, 99–100, 109–110, 197

Shrestha, laura, 344

Sierra, Christine, 7fInt.2, 38–39, 45n6, 57–58, 252–253, 255, 267–268, 298, 303

Sigelman, Lee, 323–324

Simien, Evelyn, 252–253, 261–262

Simon, Dennis, 163

single-member districts (SMDs), 16, 225–227, 230–231, 231t5.7, 243

sizes of local governments. See specific forms of local government

Sjoberg, Laura, 250

Skocpol, Theda, 75

Smith, Adrienne, 227, 278–279

Smith, Barbara, 12, 282, 285, 343

Smith, Daniel, 320–321

Smooth, Wendy, 12, 47, 252–253, 279

social capital, 116, 132, 140, 148, 216–218, 243

social movements, 224–225

social services, 123, 124, 272

Sosa-Riddell, Adaljiza, 255

Soss, Joe, 100

Sotomayor, Sonia, 1

South Carolina, 4, 5–6, 63–67, 197, 374–375

South Dakota, 34–35, 63

Spear, Mary, 170

Spears, William, 107

Spence, Lester, 289

Spohn, Cassia, 346

Springer, Kimberly, 260n9

Stabenow, Debbie, 267

Stallings, Angela, 114–115

Stark, Heidi, 87n11

state government/legislatures. See also local government

Black female advantage in, 115

career ladders, 203–204

devolution to, 82, 100

and electoral structure, 225–226

as first elective office, 193

growth in, by race and gender, 53–55

Latina advantage in, 114–115

leadership in, 272, 278–281, 280t6.4

parity by race and gender in, 63, 64t1.2

party support in elections to, 218–220

perceived partisan congruence in, 308–309

personal ambition, 211

and the pipeline theory, 232

positional leadership in, 265–278

racial/gender makeup of jurisdictions of, 300, 301f7.1

Republican control of, 74

rosters lacking for, 79

single-member vs. multimember districts in, 226–227

of South Carolina, 5–6

as study focus, 77

and term limits, 232–233

underrepresentation in, 29

and the VRA, 40

women of color in leadership positions in, 281t6.5.

state legislators. See also officials of specific races, ethnicities, and genders as state legislators

of color, 119–120

in community activism/non-profit organizations, 124–127

as conservatives, 312n7

Democratic Party affiliation of, 306–307

disadvantages perceived by, 241–242

educational levels of, 119–120

and encouragement/recruitment, 168–169

gendered differences in styles of, 259–260

growing numbers of officials of colors in, 373

on the impact of women officials, 283–285

length of service of, 196

as liberals, 312n7

margins of victory of, 237, 243–244

men in general as, 128–129

Mervyn Dymally among, 201–203

occupational attainment of, 124–127

and political congruence, 312n7

political party activities of, 216–218

and prior office holding, 203–204, 206–207

prior political experience among, 203–204, 205t4.8

as study focus, 8, 18, 130

top occupations of, 126t3.3

trustee representation favored by, 295

and Van de Putte, 198–199

state rankings of officials’ distribution, 67–69, 70t1.3

static ambition, 209–210

Steinhower, Jennifer, 258n6

Stewart, Joseph, 110, 110n30

Still Lifting, Still Climbing: African American Women’s Contemporary Activism (Springer), 260n9

Stofferahn, Curtis, 116

Stokes-Brown, Atiya Kai, 24n12

strategic entry to political office, 200–201

strategic motivations to run, 169, 171–172, 187–188, 190–191

Strickland, Marilyn, 98

Strimling, Wendy, 140–141

styles of governance, by gender and race, 264t6.1.

substantive impact on policy, 329–331

substantive representation. See also formalistic representation; symbolic representation

and Clarence Thomas, 58

and congruence, 297

defined, 25n14, 291

and democracy, 335

and descriptive representation, 295–296, 331, 335

implications for, 318–319

in local government, 108–111

by Obama, 292–293

research expanding on, 288

supporting minority rights, 330–331

suffrage movement, 343

Support for Women’s Welfare index, 369

Supreme Court (U.S.)

Brown v. Board of Education, 121–122

diversity on, 2

Korematsu v. United States, 33

Lau v. Nichols, 122–123

Obergefell et al. v. Hodges, 345, 351

Roe v. Wade, 344–345, 348, 356–357, 369

Shelby County v. Holder, 74, 344, 374–375

Thornburg v. Gingles, 39

Svara, James, 88, 94, 105, 110, 120n8, 173

Swain, Carol, 293n2

Swers, Michele, 163, 266–267

symbolic representation, 25n14, 108–111, 291, 292–293, 305–306, 317. See also descriptive representation; formalistic representation

Tabb, David, 8–9, 341

Takano, Mark, 278

Takash, Paule, 131, 149–150, 176–177, 181, 250–251

Tallahatchie County, Mississippi, 109–110

Tarr-Whelan, Linda, 258–259

Tate, Katherine, 60, 131, 289, 359

Tavares, Charmaine, 98

Taylor, Paul, 45

Teixeira, Ruy, 47n7, 342n7

Telles, Edward, 340–341

Terchek, Ronald, 42

term limits, 16, 170, 203, 232–233, 235, 237, 243–244

Texas, 4, 63–67, 72–73, 74

Tharps, Lori, 22–23

Theriault, Sean, 256–257, 266–267, 273

Thomas, Clarence, 58

Thomas, Sue, 229, 248–249, 250, 262, 282, 320–321, 323–324, 325–326

Thompson, Bennie, 268–270

Thompson, Joel, 57, 134, 148–149

Thornburg v. Gingles, 39

Tichenor, Daniel, 45n6

ties to community, 216t5.3.

Till, Emmett, 3–4, 102f. 2.5., 109–110

Tirado, Miguel, 149

Tolleson–Rinehart, Sue, 261

top counties for officials of color, 339t8.1

top ten policy issues, 313f. 7.4, 325f7.5, 327t7.11

Torres, Rodolfo, 24, 122

Torrico, Alberto, 21n10

trajectories to office. See also paths to office

and the career ladder, 162, 196

of Mervyn Dymally, 201–203, 202f4.4

nonlinear, 200–203

obstacles to, 117

of officials of color, 181

and political ambition, 200

and prior office holding, 199–200

as study focus, 13–14, 15, 163–164, 182

of women officials of color, 196, 198–199

transformation of the political landscape

(overview), 29–76

contested nature of, 6, 30, 39–40, 60–61, 76, 208

demographic growth in, 5

impermanence of, 6

and local elective leadership, 3–4

and local government, 83–85

by officials of color, 76, 248, 373

by women, 16–17

women of color participating in, 16–17

Tronto, Joan, 12, 255, 343

Trounstine, Jessica, 227–228

Trump, Donald, 75

trustees. See representation

typology of motivations to run, 172f4.1

underrepresentation

of Asian Americans, 89

of Black officials, 272

of Blacks, 89

and descriptive representation, 60–61

vs. growing numbers of officials of colors, 373

of Latino/as, 89

in local government, 94

of minorities, 293

as motivation to run, 171

and officials of color, 4–6, 8

of people of color, 26

persistence of, 29–30

and race*gender intersectionality, 29–30

and the VRA, 60–61

of women, 116, 293

of women officials of color, 250

Unz, Ron, 122–123

U.S. Census/Census Bureau, 20, 20n9, 112–113, 298. See also Census of Governments

Vagins, Deborah, 344

Valdini, Melody, 227–228

Van de Putte, Leticia, 198–199

Vengroff, Richard, 227

Vermont, 63–67, 229n6

Vesterby, Marlow, 107

Villalpando, Ruben Garcia, 4

voter ID laws, 74

voter registration, 42, 74

voting rates, 99

voting records (self-reported), 286t6.9.

voting rights

of American Indians, 34–35

and the American State, 36

of American women, 343

coalitions supporting, 374

in covered jurisdictions, 38–39

of former slaves, 343

of minorities, 297, 298, 329–330, 346, 366

for noncitizens, 351

officials of color supporting, 347t8.2.

renewals of, 297, 329–330

restrictions on, 39, 76

voting rights workers, 224

Voting Rights Act (1965) (VRA)

and affirmative action, 366

and Asian Americans, 39–40, 346

and Blacks, 36, 39

Black officials’ support for, 346

and Black women officials, 47, 57, 60, 117, 164

challenges to, 36, 39, 73–74

constitutional amendments prior to, 36

and county government, 40

coverage of jurisdictions in, 38–39

and descriptive representation, 60–61

enactment of, 36–38

impact of, 40–43, 45f1.4

Latino/na officials’support for, 346

Latinos/as enabled by, 39–40

and local government, 84–85

and majority–minority districts, 226–231

officials of colors’ support for, 346, 347t8.2, 354–356

people of color enabled by, 2, 5, 14, 57, 131

provisions of, 37–38, 74

renewals of, 38–39

and representation, 298

Republican responses to, 73–74

and Shelby County v. Holder, 344

significance of, 43–46

southern states’ evasions of, 36, 39

and traditional minority rights, 366

and underrepresentation, 60–61

Voting Rights Act Authorization and Amendments Act (2006), 344

Voting Rights Act extensions

1970, 38–39, 42

1975, 37–39, 40, 42

1982, 37–39

1992, 38–39

2006, 37–39

“The Voting Rights Act of 1965: 40 Years After ‘Bloody Sunday,’ A Promise Still Unfulfilled” (Henderson), 2n2

Voting Rights Act Reauthorization and Amendments Act (2006), 344n8

voting systems, 39, 228, 233–234. See also districts

voting with the majority or minority, 285–288, 357

Wahlke, John, 305

Walker, Alice, 251, 251n1

Walker-Moffat, Wendy, 123–124

Walsh, Debbie, 166–167

Walton, Hanes, Jr., 176–177, 359

Ward, Deborah, 63

Wasem, Ruth Ellen, 344

Washington, 4, 229n6

Waters, Maxine, 268–270, 276n16

Watts, Thomas, 228–229

Watts Riots, 201

Weaver, Vesela Mae, 24

Welch, Susan, 116, 148–149, 226–227, 228–229, 234–235, 282, 323–324

welfare policies and reform, 18, 136, 285. See also women’s welfare

West Virginia, 63–67, 229n6

Western, Bruce, 136–137

When Women Lead (Rosenthal), 259–260

Whicker, Marcia Lynn, 256–257, 278–279, 278n18

Whitby, Kenny, 305

White officials (general), 99, 226–227, 234–235, 243–244, 283t6.7., 303

White men (officials)

abundance of literature on, 259–260

ages of, 142–143

in city/town government, 88

in coalitions with officials of color, 348

in committee leadership positions, 279

as Congressional party leaders, 275, 275n14

and constituents’ top policy issues, 325–326

as the elected leadership default norm, 11, 11n4

local government dominance of, 78

occupational attainment/prestige of, 133–134

parity ratios of, 61

paths to office of, 115–116

political ambition of, 116

as politically dominant, 153

predominance of, 247

progressive, 348

as Republicans, 275

as state legislators, 133–134

traditional leadership views of, 260, 287

White women (officials)

abundance of literature on, 259–260

ages of, 142–143

allied with women of color, 357–358

in caucus leadership, 276

in city/town government, 92

and Clarence Thomas, 58

in coalitions with officials of color, 348

committee assignments of, 274t6.3

committee chairmanships of, 268–270

as committee chairs, 268–270

in the Congressional Caucus on Women’s Issues, 276

on Congressional committees, 273, 274t6.3

as Congressional party leaders, 275

and constituents’ top policy issues, 325–326

and delegate representation, 295

delegate representation favored by, 295

in education, 124

elective office share of, 115

and electoral structures, 243–244

institutional mobility of, 272

and leadership styles, 248, 282–285

and majority–minority districts, 229

as mayors, 97

in multimember districts, 226

and multimember districts, 229

in multimember districts, 229–230

occupational attainment/prestige of, 133–134

and open-seat elections, 233–234

parity ratios of, 280–281

political experience of, vs. Black women, 176–177

progressive, 348

qualifications for legal careers, 127

in Republican Congressional leadership, 275

as Republicans, 275

and sexism, 252–253

in state government leadership positions, 279–281, 280t6.4

as state legislators, 57f1.12., 124, 133–134, 225–226, 233–234, 272

studies of, vs. women of color, 10, 12–13

subcommittees chaired by, 270

traditional leadership views of, 260, 287, 323

and underrepresentation, 26, 61

viewed as hard working, 16–17, 287

women officials of color allied with, 357–358

White women (general)

and the Civil Rights Act, 121–122

as feminists, 343

legal status of, 343

married to an official, 155–156

parity ratios of, 280–281

poverty rates among, 336

voting for Obama, 342

vs. women of color, 343

women officials supporting, 366

Whites (general)

in Asian American jurisdictions, 299

biases toward, 156–157

bridge-building with Asian Americans, 342

in city/town government, 88

Civil Rights Act benefitting, 121–122

coalitions with Blacks, 341

and color designations, 21n11, 22

and the Immigration and Nationality Act, 45

indigenous populations displaced by, 32

in the LGBT community, 351–353

liberals among, 340

marriage rates among, 136–137

and the New Deal, 31

Obama’s representation of, 292–293

overrepresentation of, 26

parity ratios of, 61, 280–281

in police departments, 5

as population percentage, 45

and same-sex marriage, 351

in statistical samples, 21n11

voting against Obama, 342, 342n7

voting for Obama, 342

Who Governs? (Dahl), 14–15, 80, 91, 112

Who Leads Us? (dataset), 52n9

Wilensky, Norman, 148

Wilkins, David, 87n11

Williams, Juan, 293n2

Williams, Linda Faye, 31, 130, 133n18, 150–153, 293

Williams, Margaret, 196–197

Williamson, Vanessa, 75

Wilson, Carter, 6

Wilson, James, 11n4

Wilson, Marie, 258–259

Wilson-Portunondo, María Luisa, 123n11

Winant, Howard, 6, 24n12

Wingard, Ellen, 258–259

Wolfers, Justin, 136–137

womanism, 247, 251–252, 251n1

women (officials). See also women officials of specific races or ethnicities

ages of, 140–143, 145n30

in at-large elections, 227

ambitions of, 197–199, 209

as candidates (overview), 161–207

in city/town government, 93–94, 176–177, 227

with college degrees, 119–120

as committee chairs, 266, 268–270

in community activism/non-profit organizations, 127

community motivations of, 176–177

in Congress (U.S.), 55f1.10

as consensus builders, 263–265

and constituent contact, 320–321

constituent relationships of, 323–324

contacted by constituents, 323–324

as county supervisors/commissioners, 93–94, 108, 145n30, 233

and the death penalty, 356

deciding to run, 169–170

as Democrats, 266, 267

district elections as detrimental to, 227

in education, 124, 130, 131

and education policy changes, 354

educational levels of, 129, 145n30

encouraged to run, 166–169

as first-time candidates, 141–142, 169–170, 176–177, 227

gendered Congressional committee appointments of, 266n10

growing numbers of, 292

ICMA data on, 227

and incumbency, 234–235

as incumbents, 233, 234–235

and the initial decision to run, 164–169

integrative style of, 257–258

as lawyers, 128–129

leadership differing from men, 256–260

in leadership positions, 271

in less desirable political positions, 99

as liberals, 282, 309–310, 356

in local government, 94

margins of victory of, 237

marital status of, 136–137

as mayors, 97–99

minorities supported by, 284t6.8.

multimember districts benefitting, 227

needing to be asked to run, 164–169

numbers of, as static, 130

in nursing/healthcare, 127

officeholder share of, 52–53, 130

in the 113th Congress, 142–143

in the 114th Congress, 271

vs. other women officials, 229

paths to office of, 115–116

political differences among, 306

and political transformation, 275, 305

and prior office holding, 197–198

public service motivations of, 176–177

as Representatives (U. S.), 131

as Republicans, 356–357

running unopposed, 234

on school boards, 237

in social work, 131

in state government leadership positions, 278–281, 278n18, 280t6.4

as state legislators, 55n10, 57f1.12., 91, 124, 127, 136–137, 225–226, 232–233, 234, 356

subcommittees chaired by, 270

and term limits, 232–233

in top Congressional leadership positions, 266, 266n10

top policy issues for, 325–326

trajectories to office of, 196

transforming the political landscape, 16–17

underrepresentation of, 129

viewed as hard working, 264t6.1.

women supported by, 329

women of color (officials). See also specific races or ethnicities of women candidates

ages of, 141–142

and at-large elections, 230

alienated by feminist theory, 251–252

bridging functions of, 336

campaign disadvantages perceived by, 208–209

as candidates, 164–169

change motivations of, 187

in city/town government, 93–94, 102–103, 111

civic activism/engagement of, 220–222

collective character of, 171–172

with college degrees, 119–120

as committee chairs, 274t6.3.

in community activism/non-profit organizations, 124

community motivations of, 171–172, 177, 181, 206

in Congressional caucuses, 275–276

on Congressional committees, 273, 274t6.3

constituents’ top policy issues, 324–325

contacted by constituents, 322–324

as county supervisors/commissioners, 91–92, 108, 187

as Democrats, 51–52, 60, 267, 306–307

demographic change among leaders, 10

descriptive representation of, 55–57, 76

disadvantages of, perceived, 153–155

disadvantages overcome by, 153

disadvantages perceived by, 155–156, 239–241

and the double disadvantage thesis, 114

in education, 124

educational levels of, 142–143, 146

and electoral structures, 243–244

encouraged to run, 166–169

and encouragement/recruitment, 166, 168–169

family resources of, 151152t3.7.

first elective office of, 193–196

as first-time candidates, 16, 171–172, 177, 181, 187, 189, 206, 227

of foreign-born parents, 148

growing numbers of, 47–48, 78, 94–99, 373

growing political power of, 47

household income of, 146, 156–157

impact of, 282–285

and the initial decision to run, 164–169

institutional mobility of, 272

lack of, 164

as lawyers, 124, 128–129

in leadership positions, 282–285

leadership styles of, 198–199, 282–285

as liberals, 356

in local government, 77–113

marital status of, 136–140

and the marriage gap, 143–144

marriage rates among, 146, 156–157

as mayors, 97–99

minorities supported by, 282–285

and multimember districts, 230

needing to be asked to run, 164–169

neglected in research, 254

NHLA supported by, 282–283, 283t6.7, 283t6.6

and non-Hispanic White women officials, 52–53

in nursing/healthcare, 127

occupational attainment/prestige of, 133–134, 143–144

officeholder share of, 47

and open-seat elections, 233–234

party support for, 218–220

paths to office of, 130

personal motivations of, 189

personal resources of, 151152t3.7

and the pipeline theory, 162–164

policy positions shared among, 336

from political families, 148

political party activities of, 216–218

and politics of difference, 16–17, 257

and prior office holding, 199–200

public interest motivations to run, 173

qualifications for legal careers, 127

salaries of, 104–107

and same-sex marriage, 353

and shared policy positions, 372

and single-member districts, 227, 230–231

in state government leadership positions, 279–281, 280t6.4., 281t6.5.

as state legislators, 53–55, 56f. 1.11, 124–127, 130, 130n15, 130n16, 136–137, 166, 204, 225–226, 233–234, 259–260, 272

as study focus, 10

subcommittees chaired by, 270

and term limits, 232–233

trajectories to office of, 198–199

underrepresentation of, 60–61, 250

viewed as hard working, 16–17, 263, 287

White women allies of, 357–358

women supported by, 282–285, 329

years in office since first election of, 195

women (general)

Civil Rights Act benefitting, 121–122

as Democrats, 342

disadvantages of, perceived, 154t3.9.

historical struggles of, 343–344

interest of, in running, 162

poor women, 348

underrepresentation of, 116

women of color (general). See also specific races or ethnicities of women

in Congress (U.S.), 55f1.10

marginalized in social movements, 343

in nonelectoralw politics, 250–251, 255

parity ratios of, 280–281

and positional leadership, 198

and racially gendered marriage policies, 136–137

structural oppression of, 150–153

as U.S. population percentage, 113

underrepresentation of, 287–288

vs. White women, 343

Women Lead the Way: Your Guide to Stepping Up to Leadership and Changing the World (Tarr-Whelan), 258–259

Women’s Caucus, 275

women’s issues, 336

women’s movement, 222, 362

women’s reproductive rights, 336, 343, 349t8.3., 354–356, 361, 363, 370t8.10., 374–375

women’s rights, 354–356

women’s welfare, 349t8.3., 361, 363, 369, 370t8.10., 371, 374

Wong, Carolyn, 45, 131, 255

Woodhall, Maureen, 116

Wrinkle, Robert, 228–229

Wu, JunJie, 107

Wu, Michelle, 3–4

Year of the Woman, 53, 58, 222

Yellow Power Movement, 343

Zambrano-Montes, Antonio, 4

Zerilli, Linda, 250

Zhang, Stacey Wenjun, 328–329

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