Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 December 2009
The frontiers are there, the frontiers are sacred. What else, after all, could guarantee privilege and power to ruling elites?
Yet the peoples, it would seem, see matters differently … The frontiers, for them, remain a foreign and unwarranted imposition … So that even while a ‘bourgeois Africa’ hardens its frontiers, multiplies its frontier controls, and thunders against the smuggling of persons and goods, a ‘peoples' Africa’ works in quite another way. For if the smuggling of goods and persons appears perverse and wicked when seen by governments in place, peoples in place can evidently find it right enough, and even natural.
(Davidson 1986: 43, 44)Introduction
Zimbabwe, like most newly independent states, is still attempting to construct its populist nationhood, now under the dominating ideas of a black male elite. But not all of its citizens, especially women and nonblacks, construct their identities and relationships to the state in ways that are congruent with the state's contemporary construction of a national identity for its citizens. In the ongoing political fight to delimit citizenship, reflecting differing ideological notions about the ‘proper relationship between the individual and society’ (Blackburn 1993: 1), these competing definitions of citizenship seem to be regarded as ‘borderline’ constructions by the social categories who do not accept them. In this chapter, I explore discrepancies between the Zimbabwean state and a particular category of its internationally mobile citizens over the construction of citizenship as identity in the ‘cultural mindset’ of transborder traders, a mindset that seems not to be anchored in the territory of any nation-state, but does respond to the laws of the state of citizenship.
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