Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- List of Contributors
- List of Illustrations
- Introduction to Revised Edition
- Introduction
- Achieving Transformational Change
- The Resolution of Armed Conflict: Internationalization and its Lessons, Particularly in Northern Ireland
- Some Reflections on Successful Negotiation in South Africa
- The Secrets of the Oslo Channels: Lessons from Norwegian Peace Facilitation in the Middle East, Central America and the Balkans
- The Awakening: Irish-America's Key Role in the Irish Peace Process
- ‘Give Us Another MacBride Campaign’: An Irish-American Contribution to Peaceful Change in Northern Ireland
- Towards Peace in Northern Ireland
- Neither Orange March nor Irish Jig: Finding Compromise in Northern Ireland
- Mountain-climbing Irish-style: The Hidden Challenges of the Peace Process
- The Good Friday Agreement: A Vision for a New Order in Northern Ireland
- Hillsborough to Belfast: Is It the Final Lap?
- Defining Republicanism: Shifting Discourses of New Nationalism and Post-republicanism
- Conflict, Memory and Reconciliation
- Keeping Going: Beyond Good Friday
- Religion and Identity in Northern Ireland
- Getting to Know the ‘Other’: Inter-church Groups and Peace-building in Northern Ireland
- Enduring Problems: The Belfast Agreement and a Disagreed Belfast
- Appendices: Key Recommendations of
- 1 The Sunningdale Agreement (December 1973)
- 2 The Anglo-Irish (Hillsborough) Agreement (November 1985)
- 3 The Opsahl Commission (June 1993)
- 4 The Downing Street Joint Declaration (December 1993)
- 5 The Framework Document (1995)
- 6 The Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement (April 1998)
- 7 The Report of the Northern Ireland Victims Commission (Sir Kenneth Bloom.eld, 1998)
- 8 The Patten Report (1999)
- 9 Review of the Parades Commission (Sir George Quigley, 2002)
- Index
- Images
Achieving Transformational Change
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- List of Contributors
- List of Illustrations
- Introduction to Revised Edition
- Introduction
- Achieving Transformational Change
- The Resolution of Armed Conflict: Internationalization and its Lessons, Particularly in Northern Ireland
- Some Reflections on Successful Negotiation in South Africa
- The Secrets of the Oslo Channels: Lessons from Norwegian Peace Facilitation in the Middle East, Central America and the Balkans
- The Awakening: Irish-America's Key Role in the Irish Peace Process
- ‘Give Us Another MacBride Campaign’: An Irish-American Contribution to Peaceful Change in Northern Ireland
- Towards Peace in Northern Ireland
- Neither Orange March nor Irish Jig: Finding Compromise in Northern Ireland
- Mountain-climbing Irish-style: The Hidden Challenges of the Peace Process
- The Good Friday Agreement: A Vision for a New Order in Northern Ireland
- Hillsborough to Belfast: Is It the Final Lap?
- Defining Republicanism: Shifting Discourses of New Nationalism and Post-republicanism
- Conflict, Memory and Reconciliation
- Keeping Going: Beyond Good Friday
- Religion and Identity in Northern Ireland
- Getting to Know the ‘Other’: Inter-church Groups and Peace-building in Northern Ireland
- Enduring Problems: The Belfast Agreement and a Disagreed Belfast
- Appendices: Key Recommendations of
- 1 The Sunningdale Agreement (December 1973)
- 2 The Anglo-Irish (Hillsborough) Agreement (November 1985)
- 3 The Opsahl Commission (June 1993)
- 4 The Downing Street Joint Declaration (December 1993)
- 5 The Framework Document (1995)
- 6 The Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement (April 1998)
- 7 The Report of the Northern Ireland Victims Commission (Sir Kenneth Bloom.eld, 1998)
- 8 The Patten Report (1999)
- 9 Review of the Parades Commission (Sir George Quigley, 2002)
- Index
- Images
Summary
The creation of the Institute of Irish Studies at Liverpool University in 1988 was an inspired initiative. Never was it so important that we in Ireland should understand each other and that both islands should reach out to each other in mutual understanding. I do not speak consciously from the standpoint of any political party or community. It is my aim to try to achieve a broad empathy – something which is sadly lacking in the situation. Parties tend to be what in business terms would be described as producer- rather than market-orientated. They appeal to their existing customer base but rarely enlarge it. The market remains heavily segmented. I hope that I shall be perceived as analytical rather than critical or censorious. We are already oversupplied with recrimination and denunciation. More problem-solving, rather than partisanship, is needed.
Let me start by indulging in a little counterfactual history. Where would we have been today if, in the midst of the relief and euphoria flowing from the cease-fires, Sinn Féin's proclamation of its commitment to exclusively peaceful means had been taken at face value and inclusive talks had been announced? No doubt much effort would have been spent in trying to get all parties to the table and it might have proved impossible. But it would have signalled strongly that the key to success lies, not in the attitudes or actions of the two governments, but in each community in Northern Ireland being able to gain the confidence and trust of the other. Could a third party, introduced at that stage, have succeeded in getting all the parties round the table?
To speculate around such a scenario is not to deny a role to the governments or to question their commitment. London has a clear responsibility for the good government of Northern Ireland as part of the United Kingdom and it must obviously be involved in working out the relationship between that part and the rest of Ireland. Dublin sees itself as trustee of the fortunes of nationalists in the North and is inevitably involved in helping to shape relationships between the two parts of the island.
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- The Long Road to Peace in Northern IrelandPeace Lectures from the Institute of Irish Studies at Liverpool University, pp. 11 - 24Publisher: Liverpool University PressPrint publication year: 2007