This chapter identifies the problems that negatively affected economic development in India. It suggests that the policy of import substitution industrialization had outlived its usefulness and that the licence-permit raj is hampering economic growth. This chapter discusses India's launch of economic liberalisation initiatives in the early 1990s and explains and highlights the controversies and debates to which it has given rise.

This chapter presents descriptive statistics on students' trust in public institutions in Palermo. Distrust of government institutions is frequently mentioned in literature pertaining to the Mafia, and is often referred to in literature on southern Italy in general. The descriptive statistics presented in this chapter focus on students' attitudes to the state and its agencies, that is, their vertical trust. To what extent do students trust political institutions, for example the president, the mayor of Palermo, the political parties? What is their degree of trust in the police and the courts? Do they trust school? The statistics are based on the total samples of the two school surveys, distributed in October-November 2002 and February-March 2005. The chapter also looks at descriptive statistics regarding students' attitudes to the police and the concept of omertà and highlights differences or similarities between different socio-economic areas.

Weerie Winona, or the Film that Angelopoulos Never Made

At the 2019 Paris Book Fair, Alain Salles, the Le Monde journalist who has covered Greek culture and politics for years, chaired a panel on literature and the Greek Crisis.1 ‘The question of how the Greek Crisis has entered culture’ was, said Salles at one point, one of phantoms, of projects undeveloped or unfinished – ‘just like the phantom of the film that Theo Angelopoulos would have made, that film he was making when he died’. This is a statement that, perhaps in its willingness to find the Crisis chef d’oeuvre, gets things so wrong that it ends up getting some of them right.

Greek cultural collectives, artists and producers have been so active during the Crisis that it may sound somewhat dismissive to suggest that the defining cultural text of that period is actually an unfinished and lost work: the film that the master of a different era would have made, had he survived a fatal accident that occured on the set of his last production. Based on how Angelopoulos had reacted to the most recent Greek and international social developments in his last films – for instance, the critically panned and now forgotten The Dust of Time (2008), released in Greek cinemas the same year as Dogtooth and Strella – it is very probable that I alli thalassa/The Other Sea, the film during whose production he died in 2012, would not have been such a game-changer anyway.

The Other, the ‘Tinker’ and the Traveller

The groups referred to by policy makers today as ‘Gypsy/Travellers’ have been known by a variety of appellations in the past. The most common of these historical names for the Travellers in Scotland was ‘Tinker’, a term which, as noted above, is considered by many modern Travellers as derogatory and unacceptable. The wider pan-European perspective of Travellers as ‘Other’ is useful to consider before going into detail about the connotations of the term ‘Tinker’ and how its meaning became loaded with derision. The works of Heinrich Grellmann (1787), John Hoyland (1816), Walter Simson (1865) and David Macritchie (1894) are evidence of a fascination with the Other in elite European society during the lateeighteenth century, and throughout the nineteenth century. The editor's introduction to Simson's volume from 1865 captures the somewhat patronising interests precisely; ‘the discovery and history of barbarous races of men, besides affording exquisite gratification to the general mind of civilised society, have always been looked upon as important’ (James Simson 1865: 27). Grellmann's earlier account, Historischer Versuch über die Zigeuner [Dissertation on the Gipsies] (1787), began an association in the literature between native itinerant groups and immigrants from the Orient by consolidating various stereotypes. Grellmann's negative, stereotypical images of heathen wanderers who ‘like locusts, have overrun most European countries’ (1787: 2) homogenised all itinerant peoples who shared similar nomadic lifestyles. Hoyland's A Historical Survey of the Customs, Habits & Present State of The Gypsies (1816) cites Grellmann often, and the stereotypical imagery of the latter's dissertation is replicated. The first Gypsies in Europe ‘appeared ragged and miserable’, says Hoyland, and ‘in like manner their descendants have continued for hundreds of years, and still remain’ (1816: 37).

This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the history of hospital contributory schemes in Great Britain. It commends the commitment of the schemes and some key individuals in reorganising the British health services during wartime. It also expresses frustration over the failure of the schemes to act collectively and articulate a plausible alternative in the National Health Service (NHS) debates. This chapter also presents some scenarios on how the schemes might develop in the future and speculates on the prospects of the health cash plans.

This chapter addresses the inter-war years, considering the cases of Germany, France, Italy and Britain. It also describes the cases of Poland and Yugoslavia, where democracy collapsed during the 1920s under external pressure; Spain, where it failed under the conjunction of domestic and external pressures; Czechoslovakia, where it failed as a consequence of the rise of Nazi Germany; and Sweden, where it succeeded. The most spectacular casualty of the immediate post-war crisis was Italian democracy. The British and German governments laboured with some difficulty under their respective external constraints. The rise of the Nazis soon transformed the international politics of Europe. The Spanish, Czechoslovakian and French democracies all fell to one form or another of German intervention. The difficulties of creating and sustaining a belief in nationhood were most acute in the successor states in Eastern Europe and the Balkans.

This chapter discusses the results of the Letter Project, where students in four selected classes in Palermo were invited to write private letters on different themes during their three years at lower secondary school. A total of 222 letters were received, on four themes: ‘A normal day in my life’, ‘My district’, ‘Relations with other people’ and ‘Reflections on important events at school’. The analysis of students' letters is organised according to different themes. The first consists of students' description of school life, including their perception of school, interaction with teachers, social interaction with peers, and experiences of school excursions. The chapter also includes students' narratives about trust in other persons and their descriptions of the residents and their neighbourhoods. How do these young people reason about trust? Do they believe that people in general can be trusted, or are they cautious when dealing with other people? What motivates their perceptions on trust? This chapter presents students' own stories about trust and cooperation.

This chapter identifies some possible future NMD practices, and provides suggestions about the analytical approaches to the emerging strategies that are closely related to NMD. It also discusses the policy of pre-emption, one strategic phenomenon in US thinking of security ‘post-9/11’, which talks about the re-assembly of a foreign policy practice. The chapter ends with a discussion of a proposed intervention to the existing NMD debate that provides a perspective outside the positivist logic of investigation.

Pressures to restructure local government in Britain, it may be argued, arise from the concern of practically minded national and local politicians and administrators to adapt its many institutions to deal with the problems thrown up by the growth of cities, the need for a more mobile workforce, the social consequences of enclosures or the demand for improved systems of transport. The development of local government in the mid-nineteenth century to accommodate social change within the framework of ad hoc agencies, beginning with the Poor Law unions, reflected an unsatisfactory compromise between Whigs and Tories, who could both see the need for some measure of modernisation and were, with the exception of the philosophical radicals, opposed to centralisation, but were not willing to give powers to the opposing faction. This chapter focuses on the ad hoc local governments of mid-Victorian Britain and explores the failure of central control of the Poor Law, the Public Health Acts, roads and highways, education boards, police and prisons, the financing of local government and the formation of the Local Government Board.

This book focuses on one of Britain's most marginalised and underrepresented ethnic minorities, Scotland's Traveller communities. The term ‘Travellers’ describes a series of interlinked social and familial communities that have existed in Scotland as distinct from mainstream society since at least the twelfth century (Kenrick and Clark 1999: 51). Recently, writers interested in these communities raised the issue of the underrepresentation of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller history in current scholarship: ‘“what field?”’, they ask, noting that ‘Gypsy and Traveller history remains something of a backwater, seemingly cut off from this same flow of historical attention’ that is given to other minority ethnic populations (Taylor and Hinks 2021: 629). The same might be said of Scotland's Travellers’ cultural heritage and this book therefore examines the unique storytelling traditions of these communities. It also reveals how stories make meaning within the communities that share them and showcases their enduring relevance to contemporary Scottish culture, and beyond.

As of 2011, Travellers have been officially recognised by the Scottish Government in the form of a separate ethnic category. The 2011 census carried out by the National Records of Scotland (NRS) included a separate response category to allow people to specifically identify themselves as ‘White – Gypsy/Traveller’ (NRS 2014: 2). According to the Scottish Government, the 2011 census results reported around 4,000 individuals as belonging to the ‘White – Gypsy/Traveller’ category (‘A Comprehensive Analysis of the 2011 Census’ 2015: 5). The same governmental report also states that it ‘should be noted that some organisations working with Gypsy/ Travellers in Scotland estimate that the population figure is much higher’ (ibid.: 6).