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In characterising lesbian relationships as immature and short-lived, Commutator drew on a familiar post-war theme in medical and popular literature. The dominant discourse of feminine domesticity was, however, framed in overwhelmingly heterosexual terms and the experiences of single women and lesbians were conspicuous by their absence. Representations of lesbians in medical literature and fiction overwhelmingly reinforced notions of lesbians as single, marginal figures, existing on the peripheries of society. Freudian medico-scientific attempts to explain the aetiology of lesbianism in terms of a breakdown in the parent-child relationship were replicated in other literary portrayals of the lesbian as the product of a broken home. In the post-war decades, media representations of lesbianism characterised lesbians as a threat to marital and family life, focusing on divorce cases and murder trials.
A major obstacle to an adequate examination of European integration is the definition of political phenomena as requiring either a national or an international relations (IR) approach. European political integration as the emergence of a relatively autonomous and structured European political field is often confused with the modernisation of national economic, social and political lives. The process of structuration of the European political field can be understood both as involving processes of convergence and divergence. This implies the institutionalisation of new political and economic values and patterns of behaviour that unite national politics into a structurally looser entity, the European political field. For politicians like Dominique Strauss-Kahn, integration into the evolving European political field, with its institutions and procedures, presents new fora for the accumulation of a distinct type of political resource.
This comprehensive Glossary contains detailed definitions of over a hundred linguistic terms, together with illustrative examples, to ensure that readers who might not be familiar with some of these terms will not be placed at a disadvantage by the linguistic arguments presented in the book.
Malaya is often lauded as Britain's model counter-insurgency campaign in the post-war period. But what was the army's actual role in the Malaya campaign? Why did the Briggs plan fail? What made Templer's strategy succeed? Did the term ‘hearts and minds’ actually relate to a more coercive strategy than previously thought? In countering Communist insurgents several senior British officers considered the campaign to be an integral part of a much broader confrontation with the Soviet Union, wherein the latter became the vanguard for spreading the tentacles of communism across the world. Communist subversion in the Cold War preoccupied some of the most distinguished minds at the time, including Sir Robert Thompson, and drove them to consider a range of options for defeating insurgency it with other instruments of national power such as socio-economic development, an effective judicial system, and the strategic use of military force. This chapter also investigates the nature of the relationship between Prime Minister Winston Churchill, his Colonial Secretary Oliver Lyttelton and prominent military commanders Bernard Montgomery, John Harding and Gerald Templer, asking how crucial political support in London was to ensuring a successful outcome to the Malayan Emergency.
This chapter addresses the mixed effects of the crisis: rapid and painful adjustment but also unexpected opportunities and development, and eventually, after 2000, a surprising and productive return to the principles of 1961, with a postscript anticipating the effects of reform under the leadership of Raúl Castro. Shortages and changed priorities substantially worsened conditions for literary culture, as the three-decade-old nationwide system of cultural participation was paralysed through lack of basic infrastructure and materials. Despite external expectations, the social value of literature had continued to be sustained, and had even been given a boost, after 2000. Its heightened symbolic value was now, as in 1961, related more to the reader than to the writer.
This chapter offers a consideration of the significance of the Australian landscape within notable features, from the revival to the present. Landscape has played a conspicuous and complex role in the concretisation of the national cinema for audiences at home and abroad. It has been a crucial factor in the distillation of national identity throughout the country's history, as the natural, acquired or adopted home for a disparate conglomeration of imagined communities. Four preliminary and expository images can be offered as illustrations of the complex and contradictory responses to the landscape embraced by Australian films: Long Weekend, The Man from Snowy River, My Brilliant Career and Rabbit-Proof Fence. In the often hybridised generic territory referred to as the Australian Gothic, the landscape is a key element in the exploration of cultural anxieties arising from colonial experience.
This chapter presents the interview between the author and Europe's foremost theatre and opera director, Lluís Pasqual. He is best known for his dazzling collaborations with the designer Fabià Puigserver, with whom he reinvented classic Spanish and European plays for contemporary audiences in Catalonia and elsewhere from the mid-1970s onwards. This interview deals with Pasqual's productions of The Balcony in 1980 and 1981 before going on to explore where Jean Genet's contemporary significance resides. His late theatre is a challenge to the Gaullist consensus of the 1950s and 1960s, and its political significance pertains to its critique of European attitudes towards immigrant workers and ethnic minorities. Like Genet's, Federico García Lorca's politics are found in the constant movement and oscillation between two extreme poles. As opposed to the cliché or congealed image, the movement caused by this oscillation is life itself, it can't be represented or pinned down.
Siblinghood's special strength grew from siblings' common heritage and the ascribed 'naturalness' of their unity and solidarity in the special version of friendship granted in their relationship, no matter what its age and gender hierarchies. Ideas about natural unity, love, affection, reciprocity, and friendship made sibling relations places of powerful inclusion. Like many families, the Travell siblings after their parents' death had to forge familial and social behaviours without parental oversight. Like Anne Travell and Edward Witts, Georgian sisters and brothers considered themselves a part of a group built on the exclusive and natural connection between children of common parents. The growth of friendly and voluntary societies from the late seventeenth century onwards and the Enlightenment political philosophy of the latter half of the eighteenth century expanded the social uses of fictive sibling ties.
The chapter examines and critiques two concepts popular within broadly normative schools of thought in International Relations: ‘good international citizenship’ and the ‘responsibility to protect’. In so doing, attention is drawn to both the problems posed by practices of inclusion and exclusion in international politics and the limits to conceptualisations of legitimacy when it is conflated with morality or legality. The chapter identifies these thematic areas of concern and sets out the parameters of the debate concerning legitimacy in IR which leads to the argument for the need for a critical communicative dimension to legitimacy.
This chapter presents the activities of the trek associations established in Bavaria, Lower Saxony and Schleswig-Holstein in 1951-1952 in protest at the slow progress of the Federal Government's refugee resettlement programme. It assesses the importance of the role played by the political and ecclesiastical elites. The chapter evaluates the mood of the refugees and expellees. The mood of the refugees became increasingly volatile as a result of the deterioration in their economic position following the Currency Reform of June 1948. Therefore, the second half of 1948 witnessed protests, demonstrations and hunger strikes. The chapter suggests that the prevailing climate of anti-communism in the German Federal Republic (FRG) in the 1950s acted as an important deterrent to political radicalism and served as a unifying ideology for both natives and refugees. It examines the reasons for the absence of widespread unrest.
This chapter discusses the emergence of psychoanalytic thought in the twentieth century and the historical development of the notion of sexuality. It examines the Freudian libidinal theory model, which re-conceptualised desire and stated that human subjectivity is produced by a struggle between opposing forces of sexual desire and sexual repression.
Cardinal Richelieu considered Charles d'Albert, duc de Luynes to be the implacable enemy of the Queen Mother, and blamed him for her quarrel with her son. This chapter argues that Luynes and the king tried hard to convince the Queen Mother to return to court so they could keep an eye on her. During 1619 and 1620, Luynes successfully recruited thirty-seven court nobles sympathetic to the new regime to form a party opposing that of the Queen Mother. Luynes's supporters were rewarded generously with royal patronage including household, provincial, and military offices, titles, court privileges, cash gifts, and ambassadorial appointments. Luynes and the king had to control the conflict among court factions in order to govern successfully, and did so by using the classic strategy of divide-and-rule.