This chapter discusses key controversies and tensions which will serve as a foundation for the research questions of this book. The key underlying issue concerning this relationship is that humanitarians are faced with a choice of working closely with the military or keeping distance. This has been described as a relatively straightforward analysis as a case “for” and “against” close relations with the military or, put another way, “integrated” and “segregated” approaches depending on the degree of separation between organizations. These two approaches are adopted as a basic means for examining the key controversies in the humanitarian-military relationship. These positions are analyzed from a number of angles including ethical, management and political perspectives thus looking at issues such as human rights and security.

Medical middles were among the most mobile individuals in colonial Southern Africa, moving as they did between mission, government and private sector employment, and across local and regional boundaries. As Nancy Rose Hunt has pointed out in her study of colonial Congo, local and regional mobility was a significant part of the identity of African medical middles. By 1940, Dr Hastings Banda seemed to be well on track to become the first African doctor in government service in anglophone East Africa, and his precedent was expected to have an impact well beyond Nyasaland. As the new leader of the nationalists, Banda was keen to recall at least some other medical migrants. Daniel Sharpe Malekebu's remarkable return to the protectorate, relatively soon after the 1915 rising, was secured through international missionary networks. Protestant mission networks facilitated the mobility of a number of Malawian medical personnel.

Victorian Gothic fiction traces the complex paths between madness, self-presentation, and consumerism, representing all three in terms of a Gothicised subjectivity fashioned from clothes. Self-presentation became an essential element of social advancement and tied into discourses of self-help. The notion of concealment is a vital element of selfhood in the Victorian period. It is the process of concealment that is of importance to Victorian self-fashioning and not what is actually being hidden. Clothing plays a more complex role than a mere 'disguise' for an implicitly 'true' identity or 'deeper' emotions. Attention to dress played a small but significant part in discussions of madness. Under the broader doctrine of moral management, it could provide a means both of identifying insanity and of treating it. The practice of a kind of moral management through clothing by female characters is a frequent feature in novels of the 1860s and 1870s.

The male ensemble film, in its first phase up to Breaker Morant, is strongly influenced by the posture of the ocker; blunt, loud, hedonistic and conservative in the populist manner. The first revival film to foreground the male milieu and masculine ethics was Sunday Too Far Away. The absence of female characters in Sunday Too Far Away highlights the exclusivity of the male group and professional affiliations. The Club's depiction of sporting and business rivalries within a football club offers a further example of a male-dominated milieu within Australian society. The inevitability of fate in Gallipoli is comparable with the inexorable socio-political forces exerting their influence over the characters of Between Wars. Portrayals of male mates in later Australian film have outstripped the ambiguities, recessiveness or conservatism characterising the earlier cycle of male-centred dramas.

Terry Gilliam was drawn to Watchmen, with its dark overtones and caustic take on American dreams, as well as its ambitious scope, making it for him 'the War and Peace of comic books'. Gilliam joked that The Fisher King was his 'selling out' film. The film had another distinction: few filmmakers are involved in hits based on the legend of the Holy Grail; The Fisher King made Gilliam perhaps the only individual to have performed the feat twice. The Fisher King offers a diagnosis of the soul's scurvy. The screenplay casts a critical eye over the egotism and vacuous materialism of contemporary America, depicting and denouncing that society as a sterile wasteland, lorded over by indulgent, vicious, morally corrupt and emotionally unaware elites.

In the last decade of the eighteenth century, women's clothing underwent a series of radical changes that costume historians often describe as comparably revolutionary to fashion as the French Revolution was to politics. Indeed the two were frequently connected in contemporary discourse, in which the moral debates over the proprieties and improprieties of female dress became part of a rhetoric of decolletage, deployed in political discussion. This discussion did not produce a unitary reading of the exposed female form, but rather mobilised a variety of meanings. In these meanings, women were alternately natural and artificial beings, victims and aggressors, appropriated for radical and conservative politics. The Gothic novel of the period participates in this discussion, and its heroines' bodies are fashioned by it. The preoccupation with revealment and concealment thus becomes a crux around which numerous political issues circulate.

The apocalypse preoccupied W. B. Yeats not only as an aspect of his theosophical system but also as a metaphor in the political domain. In the late nineteenth century, Yeats was associated with a series of subversive movements in which violent politics, irrationalist philosophy and sexual irregularity overlapped. Like Honore de Balzac with regard to Emanuel Swedenborg, Yeats was perhaps never fully convinced of, or committed to, the doctrines he espoused from time to time. Nevertheless, the name of Aleister Crowley will serve as an adequate shorthand for some of his activities. In the later stage of his career, when Yeats was preoccupied more with the politics of the dead, Le Fanu's Uncle Silas featured in Yeats's early drafts of the play about Jonathan Swift's post-mortem existence.

This chapter aims to contribute to the efforts by excavating a philosophically distinctive line of anti-colonial political thought developed by Shyamji Krishnavarma between 1905 and 1913. It begins by briefly sketching out the unusual heterodoxy of Krishnavarma's early intellectual development, shaped by the confluence of Eastern and Western influences. The chapter situates him in relation to the moderate, extremist and terrorist factions of the early Indian nationalist movement and Indian National Congress (INC). It focuses on two distinctive features of Krishnavarma's nationalism: its explicitly political rather than romantic, providentialist, spiritualist, or nativist orientation, and its cosmopolitanism. The chapter delves into the philosophical foundations of Krishnavarma's political thought, as elaborated in the pages of the Indian Sociologist (IS), and on its intellectual debts to Herbert Spencer. It suggests that Krishnavarma's distinctive strand of anti-colonialism is worth recovering for both historical and philosophical reasons.

This chapter attempts to explain the prominence of these frames in the media coverage, based on insights from interviews with broadcasters and their sources. It proposes five factors which played a role in shaping media frames: the influence of political campaigns, professional routines relating to balance, journalists’ views of their own role in the coverage of a contested issue, broadcasters’ perceptions of what attracts audiences and what constitutes a contribution to public debate, as well as previous experience of covering election campaigns. The discussion is contextualized within broader academic literature about frame building.

The expulsion of the Jesuits, first from Paris, then from France, created an institutional void that would demand government attention and offer an opportunity, for those so inclined, to imagine a dramatic overhaul of education in France. The royal instruction drew both directly and explicitly upon the parlementary report, and it represents the high point of royal-parlementary cooperation in the post-expulsion reform of education in France. To better understand the nature of that cooperation, the chapter starts with the parlementary commission and its plan for reform. The letters patent issued by Louis XV were presented as part of an initiative to reform and improve secondary education across France. The reform of Jesuit Collège Louis-le-Grand was presented as a means to simultaneously complete and compensate for the expulsion of the Jesuits. It also, at least implicitly, seemed to indicate the monarchy's desire to break French education's dependence upon religious orders.

This chapter takes its title from a quote by Hannes Meyer, the second Director of the Bauhaus and others as an example for the arts and architecture. The final chapter concerns the sports stadium, a building type with its roots in the antique, but thoroughly reimagined for the twentieth century. Amid a slew of projects two stand out. The first is the International Red Stadium in the Soviet Union, a project led by the Russian Constructivists at the VKhUTEMAS (Higher State Artistic and Technical Workshops). Although never realised, with its constructivist impulse it drew attention in Western Europe, partly as result of being featured in the famous Parisian Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels Modernes in 1925 and partly by virtue of the contacts that El Lissitzky, who worked on the project, had established there. The second is Pier Luigi Nervi’s remarkable stadium in Florence. Named for a fascist martyr, the Giovanni Berta epitomised Italian rationalist ideals. It, like Raffaello Fagnoni’s closely related Mussolini stadium in Turin, was aggressively promoted as an example of the modernity of Mussolini’s Italy.

This chapter focuses on nine key aspects of the reform of local democracy over the last fifteen years. The first three aspects are local democracy and the New Labour reform agenda; the constitutional position of local government; and double devolution. The next two aspects are the citizen engagement, neighbourhood and empowerment agenda and civic engagement, neighbourhood, empowerment and the role of elected local government. The other four aspects are partnership working; policy autonomy and the role of elected local government; creative autonomy and the need for a cultural shift; and finally the fiscal autonomy of local government. Local government can play the role of a community hub allowing local groups to contact each other, talk about experiences, support each other, and share good ideas and practices. Gateway Employment was set up to support the local community training agency, Greenwich Local Labour in Business, and the local community.