Climate change impacts, including farm failure, degraded living conditions, political motives, conservation displacement, and infrastructure displacement, compel migration, largely to cities, but also to rural areas with high migrant–host conflict risk. Policymakers, facing high uncertainty, decide whether to launch state resettlement programs to control migration destinations. Indonesia’s transmigrasi, Malaysia’s FELDA, and Thailand’s Nikhom demonstrate the complexity of major resettlement programs. Yet, policymakers may evade accountability by ignoring migrations.Policymakers may try to reduce migration through local relocation or changing local conditions such as land contouring to reduce flood risk. Urban overcrowding prompts new city development, increasingly under private-sector control, and urban rehabilitation.

In Chapter 5, we explore the implications of our argument for the prospects for conflict resolution in Islamist civil wars. Using new global data on negotiations coupled with existing data on peace agreements, we demonstrate that conflict resolution efforts in the form of peace negotiations are rare in Islamist civil wars, whereas we find no robust support for our expectation that peace accords are less likely in Islamist civil wars. In this chapter, we not only compare Islamist civil wars with other conflicts but also focus on Islamist conflicts to explore whether there are any differences when comparing transnationalized Islamist civil wars with other types of Islamist civil wars. We find support for our claim that those Islamist conflicts that appeal to a transnational global agenda are less open to negotiations and peace agreements. Examples from Thailand, Egypt, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Pakistan validate the distinction between transnationally oriented and domestically focused conflicts and the potential of negotiations and peace agreements in Islamist civil wars.

This chapter considers ‘minority’ and other interpretative concepts, in the historical the context created by the break up of the Union in Ireland Partition was ultimately about one question: religious minorities and their oppression – real or imagined, anticipated or remembered. Far from being introverted and parochial, many of these people displayed an exceptional awareness of contemporary global challenges and opportunities: they were intrinsically transnational in terms of background, instincts, and interests. For both Jews and Protestants, religion encoded centuries of conflict but also of practices of everyday compromise. In its political application, religion provided these groups with their main source of self-awareness and underpinned their distinctive understandings of both Unionism and Irish nationalism, and indeed Zionism, which was itself a radical form of minority politics. Empowered but also limited by partly segregated institutional and social environments, the minority mind encompassed both culture and identity.

Medieval economic theorists developed a theory of the just price – that is, a theory about what the fair or just price for any commodity should be. Nowadays the idea seems odd, since prices are set by markets. But is it that odd? For we still have strong intuitions about the wrongness of exploitation of labour, or the immorality of exchanges undertaken under duress. The central question of this chapter concerns what a plausible theory of business or economic ethics should say about prices and pricing behaviour. What should it tell us about the price of goods and of labour? We argue that the moral leeway approach helps us to strike a balance between the insights of both economics and ethical theory.

Eliot's ‘waste land’ is over a century old – but the ‘heap of broken images’ (1922: l. 22) that strung together the poetry of its desolation seems particularly apposite for a contemporary tale of ‘memory and desire’. This book must therefore begin in April 2022, telling the tale of yet another cruellest month.

‘Bulldozers in Performance, Police in the Audience’

On a Wednesday morning of that Indian summer – a hundred years away from Eliot's England – the predominantly Muslim residents of a North Delhi neighbourhood in Jahangirpuri woke up to news of the local municipal corporation's ‘encroachment demolition’ drive in their area. Almost all of them had been staying in the locality for decades, occasionally with members of their families migrating in search of work from districts in West Bengal and subsequently silting up their lives around small shops and cart-stalls attached to the houses.1 When, in December 2019, an amendment to India's citizenship laws inserted religion as a determining factor in the apportioning of citizenship rights – and specifically sought to exclude Muslims from the ambit of the legal claims-making process2 – these Jahangirpuri residents came to be publicly maligned as ‘illegal migrants’ from Bangladesh or as Rohingya refugees (Hossain 2022; A. Kumar 2022). The ruling Hindu right-wing government which authored the amendment was unsurprisingly also in charge of the local municipal body.

You may have thought that as an early childhood education and care (ECEC) provider, your unifying focus will be centred around on the children in your setting. Supporting children’s learning and wellbeing may indeed be the priority, but this cannot be achieved without the positive involvement of children’s family members. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems model describes the layered systems of support that children can be influenced by, acknowledging that no individual child exists in a vacuum (See chapters 1 and 2 for further details). The resources and wellbeing of the family as a whole will have an impact on children’s development, behaviour and engagement in ECEC settings, as well as at home and other community settings.