Steffen Mau, in his response to Ayelet Shachar's lead essay, begins by recapping the historical development of border control. Before the twentieth century, it was possible to cross many national borders in continental Europe without travel documents or controls. Comprehensive systems for suppressing “informal” and non-authorized mobility are a relatively recent invention. Moving on to Shachar's essay itself, Mau acknowledges the value of her approach, which introduces a functional definition of borders. He identifies four key developments: increased selectivity and visa policies, internationalization of border regimes, macroterritorialization, and digitization and new border technologies. While Shachar includes these in her analysis, Mau argues that they can only be partially subsumed under the concept of the shifting border, and may in fact have a different momentum. In the final part of his response, Mau addresses Shachar's suggestions for developing an institutional-legal design that can match the change in border controls, offering a number of criticisms. While agreeing with her about expanding legal obligations in the area of humanitarian migration, he notes that the discussion should be extended to cover labor migration and tourism too. He also points out the mounting problems posed by the establishment of “smart borders." His final objection relates to the question of political feasibility. As necessary and normatively convincing as Shachar’s call for corresponding legal responsibility and shifting border control might be, it seems highly improbable that this will actually come to pass.

This chapter discusses the EL’s developing relations with both the social movements against austerity and the broader European left. It focuses upon the ways in which the EL has sought to build links, partly through its working groups, with trade unionists, environmentalists, feminists and other sections of the ‘movement left’, as well as participating in the World and European Social Forums and organising gatherings of broad left activists. The second part of the chapter examines some of the reasons why the EL has failed to date to attract a number of significant RLPs. We also consider the objections raised to the EL by more hard-line and traditionalist communist or Trotskyist parties. Finally, we conclude with a detailed discussion of the role of the GUE/NGL confederal group in the European Parliament and the EL’s relations with that group.

This chapter discusses J. Lee Thompson's career Hollywood with a focus on Cape Fear, which was an adaptation of John D. MacDonald's book The Executioners. The film set Lee Thompson's career in a whole new direction. In many ways, Cape Fear would distil the essence of Lee Thompson's cinema, and may therefore be regarded as the culmination of his British filmmaking trajectory. Although Max Cady is described in MacDonald's novel and in the film as 'an animal', Robert Mitchum plays him as the shrewdest and most intelligent of predators, able to control his simmering anger, match his tactics to the occasion and release his power to maximum effect. Lee Thompson accepted United Artist's invitation to take a production unit to Argentina to make Taras Bulba with a budget of $7 million and a cast which included 10,000 gauchos and their horses. He also completed two lavish comedies for Twentieth Century-Fox.

Jean-Luc Godard's Masculin féminin is about young people in Paris in the winter of 1965-66. As the title suggests, Masculin féminin is principally concerned with the sexual relations of these young people. The opinion of young people is constantly surveyed with regard to their sexual behaviour. Meanwhile, the steely monochrome photography places Masculin féminin much closer to the grim realism of Vivre sa vie than to the wild romanticism of Pierrot le fou. La Chinoise documents the activities of a group of young Maoist revolutionaries, centred around the apartment belonging to Véronique (Anne Wiazemsky)'s parents where they hold their meetings. There is a degree of uncertainty as to what the ' elle' in the title of Godard's 2 ou 3 choses que je sais d'elle refers. The jarring violence of Week-end's film form its brutally confrontational style makes it an ultimately irrecuperable work.

This chapter explores the cultural context within which Mathieu Kassovitz emerged to direct his first three short films, concentrating in the second half on key transformations relating to youth culture that have taken place in relation to French popular culture. One of the most important of the trips to the cinema came in the mid-1970s when Kasso-vitz was about 10 and his father took him to the Paris Cinémathèque to see Duel. The young Kassovitz was immediately struck by Spielberg's directorial style - accurately described by Kolker as a proficient structuring of narrative and control of mise en scène that encourages the spectator to surrender themselves to the narrative. Kassovitz's first short film Fierrot le pou became a statement of intent from the ambitious young director. Through his cultural references and influences Kassovitz makes a conscious effort to place his films in the realm of mass popular culture.

This chapter takes Bruno's theoretical metonym as a starting point for examining Icíar Bollain's deceptively transparent film narratives. Like the fictional 'Carte du Pays de Tendre', Bollaín's mises-en-scène map her characters' movement through contemporary Spain with narratives that give precedence to geographical and emotional journeys: Hola ¿estás sola? follows two young women's attempt to find work on the south coast and in Madrid; Flores de otro mundo explores female migration; and Te doy mis ojos, domestic abuse. The titles of these films play an integral part in this 'mapping', or rather, this remapping of women: each of them is associated with a gendered cliché that is subverted by Bollaín's co-scripted, open-ended narratives. It is the gift for social documentation, entertainment, collaborative transparency and the engaging of affect that suggests Madeleine de Scudéry's haptic map as a metonym for the way that Bollaín's first three films 're-map' turn-of-the-millennium female subjectivity.

The sequence at the Odessa Steps is one of the most dramatic and famous in The Battleship Potemkin and possibly over the whole of Sergei Eisenstein's work, but it is not exceptional in its structure compared to other sequences in that film and in other films. The Odessa Steps sequence has a number of features relating to the organisation of time and of space dependent on procedures of montage and the composition of shots. From the beginning of the film, Eisenstein constructs series of shots along graphic lines and lines of movement. There is an apparent development and continuity in Eisenstein's early films, but these continuities do not belong to a natural course of the action but rather to a correspondence between shots. The central montage strategy of Eisenstein is a montage of correspondences whereby elements distant in time and space and from different realities are brought together.

This chapter begins with the idea of utopia which was the original theme of Coline Serreau's first documentary and which is central to her first fiction film, Pourquoi pas!. The 'community' created by the three bachelors could be seen as another alternative to accepted gender roles, and a variation of the ideal society created by the trio of Pourquoi pas!. The chapter examines the ways Serreau endlessly rewrote and re-created her ideal communities from one film and one play to the next. Taking intertextuality in its wider sense, the chapter analyses the direct and indirect influences and quotations from the 'philosophical century' and to a lesser extent from the seventeenth century. It demonstrates Serreau's originality and skilful synthesising of a number of inherited genres, from the conte philosophique to the fairy-tale.

This chapter focuses on programmatic and policy development within the EL. We examine the elaboration of policy at the various conferences and Congresses the EL has held since 2004 as well as in the common manifestos for the European Parliament elections. We discuss the impact of the Tsipras candidacy for the post of European Commission in 2014. Both this, and the subsequent election of a Syriza-led government in Greece, were landmark events for the EL. The retreat of that government in the face of pressure and blackmail by the Troika of the European Central Bank, the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund were experienced by the EL as a bitter shared defeat. The experience of Syriza and the previous disappointments associated with the government participation of a full EL member party in Italy and an observer party in Cyprus suggest distinct limits to the EL’s ability to exert decisive policy influence upon its components – or to help them ‘govern’ in any more radical a fashion than the social democratic rivals of the radical left. Nevertheless, the EL has achieved a considerable degree of policy coherence and has sharpened its critique of the European Union since 2015.