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Individuals engage in a variety of narcissistic crimes. Scientists such as Stephen Breuning and Erif Poehlman committed serious research misconduct for which they were criminally charged. Actresses Lori Loughlin and Felicity Huffman were involved in the Varsity Blues college admission scandal. Those committing sex offenses include Dr. Robert Hadden, Jeffrey Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell, and Donald Trump.
Coming of age in the 1960s and the 1970s, we were witness from a distance to the Naxalite upsurge in Bengal, Bihar, and Andhra, and to the experiments of Gandhian leaders and organisations, in what was called rural reconstruction. The massive railway strike of 1974, the JP-led youth movement, and the Internal Emergency of 1975 ... we also saw the end of the Emergency.... It was a watershed in Indian politics and it generated a new optimism and energy. Many young city-bred idealists, wanting to make a difference and seeking new direction for change, went to live in the hinterland and learn about the ‘real India’.
—Ilina Sen (2014, 48–49)
In her memoir, Ilina Sen reflects on the political currents that shaped a generation of civil liberties activists in the 1960s and 1970s, including her own journey and that of her partner, Binayak Sen. Both were members of the PUCL, having served as its office-bearers. She describes how Gandhian, democratic-socialist, and communist political traditions in India inspired a generation of young, urban thinkers and activists who sought to reimagine their role in public life. For some, this political commitment demanded a renunciation of middle-class comforts of city life, to move to and live in rural areas, immersing themselves in grassroots social movements and taking on leadership roles within emerging movements. For others, like the members of the PUCL, it meant channelling their energies from the urban centres, supporting various movements using available resources to sustain and amplify movements. Through this, a politics of allyship took shape, through creation of platforms that provided emerging movement groups visibility and voice.
This chapter documents how cultural variation in emotion is not arbitrary, but follows a “cultural logic.” It examines how cultural models of independence and interdependence – along with their associated interpersonal goals and focus – co-occur with the emotions people both value (their ideal affect) and actually experience. For example, people in independent cultures (e.g., the United States) tend to value high arousal positive states like excitement more, and report socially disengaging emotions like anger more than people in interdependent cultures (e.g., East Asia), who tend to place greater value on low arousal positive states like calm and more frequently report socially engaging emotions like shame. These differences emerge across every level of the cultural cycle: in individual behaviors, social interactions, institutional practices, and broader cultural ideas. The chapter highlights how these cultural logics shape various aspects of life, including social judgments, resource sharing, and well-being. and concludes by outlining a roadmap for future research.
In the event of the state resorting to repression, do the people have the right to resist? What should be the form and the modus operandi of such movements? Supposing the movements become lawless and violent, how should such movements be treated?
—G. Haragopal and K. Balagopal (1998, 366)
As allies, civil liberties activists have often reflected on normative questions and searched for shared, general and internally consistent principles to act upon. G. Haragopal and K. Balagopal, both members of the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC), raised the questions in the above quote. Others like Smitu Kothari and Harsh Sethi asked similar questions of themselves and their fellow activists. They ask, for instance, ‘How are we to react to the violence that the “revolutionary” groups engage in—be it against the state apparatus, other revolutionary groups, or against a general mass of the population?’ (Kothari and Sethi 1989, 13). A second dilemma emerged from the state being both the ultimate appellate authority and the perpetrator. In the context of communal violence, where the government and the local administration might have been complicit, civil liberties groups wondered who the appropriate appellate authority should be. ‘When communal violence is at its fever pitch, do we have any instrumentality other than the state to appeal to?’ (Kothari and Sethi 1989, 14). As we can see, these questions have both a political dimension (that is, to do with strategy formulation) and an ethical one (that is, to do with developing a code of conduct for themselves). These debates helped allies understand and build their own identity. In this chapter, I analyse two recurring debates within and across civil liberties groups to understand how these debates shaped the organisational identity of ally groups.
In this chapter, I explore historical phenomena across a century of African American poetry, mapping a series of trends through which Black vernacular music and language come together in distinct poetic modes. Within this tradition, poets have consistently innovated the genre by incorporating culturally specific forms and expressive practices from the Black vernacular. While this conflation of music and writing has led to much innovation, it also carries immense political significance, by challenging the hegemony of Western aesthetic criteria and recording Black experience and cultural knowledge against racism’s denigrations or erasures. In this multiform articulation of Black subjectivity across time, African American poets have continually affirmed the importance of music as a cultural repository and a model for alternative poetics.
This chapter is about trust. It is the only chapter in the book that considers the opinions of professionals who had not used machine translation at work. Most of these professionals were prepared to use machine translation if needed. Some were enthusiastic about it. Others had reservations which they would want to see addressed before deciding to use a machine translation tool. These reservations included: (1) concerns about accuracy; (2) concerns about privacy and confidentiality; (3) perceptions of social and professional norms and whether their use of machine translation would be accepted by others; and (4) concerns about how machine translation may lack ‘the human touch’ in sensitive interactions. The chapter examines human communication in relation to the concept of empathy and AI’s ability to mimic it. It ends with a discussion of workplace training by exploring what machine translation users would like to see covered in initiatives aimed at enhancing their trust judgment abilities.
This illustrates the theme of patient-centred spirituality by way of two case studies: one of a clinical encounter of the author with a patient in which neither spirituality nor religion was explicitly mentioned, and another in which the author was asked to see a patient because of a specifically religious concern. The first of these is interpreted in light of the work on spirituality in psychotherapy undertaken by Jeremy Holmes who, in turn, takes up the thinking of Donald Winnicott about transitional space. Spirituality is concerned with an ability to adopt a viewpoint outside oneself and to develop humility and a ‘negative capability’. The published views of patients suggest that spirituality/religion are explicitly important to many, even in a secular country like the UK, and that they would like them to be taken into account in treatment. It is proposed that there is ‘no such thing as a patient’, only encounters between human beings, one of whom is professionally identified as a physician (psychiatrist) and one as a patient. The authenticity of the human encounter, albeit within certain professional constraints, forms the basis for an effective therapeutic alliance.