When we leave the Ph.D. to embark on an academic career, we soon discover that the strategies for success rely on a range of teaching, research, managerial, and networking skills that we likely did not develop during our doctoral years. This paper compiles advice to new entrants to the profession from established political scientists on some of the general strategies and skills that they identified as being crucial to the development of their academic careers.

The governance of civil society organizations (CSOs) is a crucial determinant of organizational legitimacy, accountability, and performance. International nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) are a subtype of CSOs and have received a lot of attention as actors in global governance. Research suggests that INGOs can follow a membership model, where the board is elected by the membership, or a board-managed model, where the board is appointed to represent major stakeholders. Following resource dependency theory, we argue that the choice between these two models depends on the INGOs different sources of funding and the degree of volunteer involvement: As donors and volunteers provide important resources, they are in turn granted the right to nominate board members or to sit on the board. In our quantitative study we show that individual members, regional member organizations, and governmental donors hold a stronger position in the governance of INGOs than philanthropists, foundations and volunteers. Our results inform research on CSO governance by highlighting the relevance of board nomination modes and by showing how CSOs can incorporate stakeholders into their governance mechanisms.

This article presents a descriptive and theoretical framework for the analysis of prosodic systems that have emerged from contact between African tone and European intonation-only languages. A comparative study of the prosodic systems of two Romance contact varieties, Central African French and Equatorial Guinean Spanish, shows that they feature two-tone systems, fixed word-tone patterns, tonal minimal pairs, the arbitrary assignment of tone in function words, and tonal processes. Evidence from further contact varieties and creole languages shows that similar systems evolved in other Afro-European contact ecologies. We conclude that tone is imposed by default on contact varieties and creoles that take shape in ecologies characterized by source-language agentivity in tone languages. In doing so, we argue against claims that tone necessarily cedes to stress during language contact and creolization. Instead, contact varieties and creoles partake just like other languages in the convergence processes that lead to the areal clustering of prosodic systems.

The Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP) was born out of the activities of the original Manifesto Research Group (MRG). This group is not to be confused with the more recently formed MRG, the ECPR Standing Group on Party Manifestos, concerned with the computerised analysis of political texts, founded by Paul Pennings of the Vrije University in Amsterdam a couple of years back. The first MRG began its activities under the aegis of the ECPR at the Florence Joint Sessions in 1980, and continued throughout the 1980s to collect, code, and analyse party manifestos (election programmes) for nineteen countries from 1945 to 1983. The democracies covered were mainly in Europe but also included the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Israel, Sri Lanka and Japan. The basic idea at first was to see what cleavages divided the parties, how many cleavages there were, and whether parties had converged or diverged along them during the post-war period.

This paper examines the extent to which conditions for the ‘representative party government’ model of representation exist in the EU. It suggests that, although application of the model is obviously limited, there is some support for its relevance. Using surveys of voters and candidates for the European Parliament the paper shows that some policy positions of representatives are constrained more by their party group than their nationality, and to some degree there is obvious congruence between the opinions of candidates and their voters. This is particularly so with respect to left–right orientation; far less with respect to European Monetary Union where elites appear much more enthusiastic than their electorates.

A rather unique feature of global climate negotiations is that most governments allow representatives of civil society organisations to be part of their national delegation. It remains unclear, however, why states grant such access in the first place. While there are likely to be benefits from formally including civil society, there are also substantial costs stemming from constraints on sovereignty. In light of this tradeoff, this article argues for a ‘contagion’ effect that explains this phenomenon besides domestic determinants. In particular, states, which are more central to the broader network of global governance, are more likely to be informed of and influenced by other states' actions and policies toward civil society. In turn, more central governments are likely to include civil society actors if other governments do so as well. This argument is tested with data on the participation of civil society organisations in national delegations to global climate negotiations between 1995 and 2005. To further uncover the underlying mechanisms, the article also provides an analysis of survey data collected at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) negotiations in Durban in 2011.

‘Service user involvement’ is a widespread and well-known phenomenon within welfare policy and practice in Western countries and is usually perceived as a way of improving welfare services to better aid service users in managing their predicaments. However, the presented ethnographical study of service user involvement within a Swedish psychiatry organization shows that user involvement initiatives might also result in unintended and undesired effects on the collective user movement (i.e. the service user organizations involved in the activities). The analysis suggests that initiatives on user involvement might affect both the constitution of the user movement as well as the way the movement operates. Theoretically co-optation theory informs the analysis.

In order to ensure sustainable development, aid donors need to improve the environmental effectiveness of their whole activity. This improvement seems to be influenced by their interactions with environmental NGOs (ENGOs). Faced with a diversity of interactions between these two kinds of actors, a strategic typology is proposed here to describe this multiplicity and, by doing so, to consider their environmental impact. Four relational postures have been identified: (i) external advocacy and (ii) the cooperation–criticism focus on the antagonistic link that exists between environment and development; (iii) environmental collaboration, and (iv) service provision, which focus on synergies that can exist between environment protection and development issues. Win–win solutions need to be continuously sought and enhanced. However, ENGOs and donors are called to recognize the necessity of maintaining a critical position in actors’ interactions vis-à-vis the implementation of development activities that are detrimental for the environment.

The role of the president is presumed to vary amongst presidential, semi-presidential and parliamentary systems. However, there are a variety of subtypes within semi-presidential systems. Debate often hinges on the prime minister and government, and to whom they are more accountable. However, the accountability of prime ministers and governments to presidents can be rather ‘fuzzy’. This article looks through the prism of the president rather than that of the government. After examining definitions of presidential, parliamentary and semi-presidential systems, several dispositional categories of political regimes will be established. Then presidential power will be assessed through a series of dichotomous measures, and for all electoral democracies with a president. Finally, the character of each category will be assessed. The concept of ‘semi-presidentialism’ is rejected in favour of more meaningful labels: presidential systems, parliamentary systems with presidential dominance, parliamentary systems with a presidential corrective and parliamentary systems with figurehead presidents.

This article investigates the implications of the move from public administration to new public management to new public governance for relations between the state and non-profit organizations using the example of the development of policy hubs and innovation laboratories under the operational theory of deliverology. Much of the literature suggests that the move towards these collaborative arrangements is providing non-profits with more access and influence in the policy process. Another stream suggests that the changes may be less significant and less positive than assumed for non-profits. This article weighs in with a preliminary examination of policy hubs and innovation laboratories in Canada. It confirms that while collaborative arrangements between the two sectors are expanding and increasingly drawing non-profit actors into the centre of policy-making, non-profit organizations may be wise to heed certain cautions when choosing their partners and terms of the partnerships or they may find their ability to create and influence policy in a meaningful way is limited.

Following the June 2010 elections, Belgium was left for more than a year without a full government, as negotiations about constitutional reform dragged on. In this article, I investigate why this interregnum did not have any fatal consequences for Belgian governance and society. On a formal level, the Belgian constitution allows a caretaker government to take all necessary steps to ensure continuity, thus avoiding government deadlock. From a political science perspective it can be noted that in a system of multi-level governance, other levels typically step in if one level fails. This is especially the case in a country like Belgium with a strong pro-European consensus, where European Union (EU)-interference is considered as legitimate. The theoretical relevance is that multi-level governance can be seen as a safeguard against government failure.

Friendship societies are a specific type of voluntary associations that aim primarily to support a definable public benefit purpose—either an activity or a public or nonprofit entity. Over the past 20 years, these organizations have been mushrooming in Germany and elsewhere. More than 75,000 friendship societies are currently registered in Germany alone, and meanwhile they account for the majority of newly established associations. However, the general public typically perceives them as unreliable substitutes for the overburdened state. To assess whether these organizations can actually be reduced to this substitution function, the article draws on qualitative interviews with 70 chairpersons from various friendship societies in a German municipality. The study shows that friendship societies do much more than merely assuming responsibility for public benefit purposes and suggests focusing further research on the participatory potential of these associations.

The purpose of this paper is to test whether public spending by local communities in Belgium is influenced by local politics. Unlike previous studies which are briefly surveyed, we test alternative models of the local budgetary decision, and systematically favour the one which includes political variables. In spite of this deliberate bias, political factors influence neither the level nor the structure of local public spending in Belgium. This may imply little differentiation among parties at the local level, rather than institutional constraints.