In War and Cinema (1988), the French critic Paul Virilio argues that the relationship between the development of cinema and contemporary military technologies, especially flight, is a definitive, indeed a constitutive feature of modernity. In his role as official photographer with the Australian War Records section in 1917–18, Frank Hurley became one of the first war photographers to experiment with aerial photography, using both still and cinema cameras. In particular, his experience flying with Captain Ross Smith of No. 1 Squadron Australian Flying Corps in Palestine in 1918 is exemplary of this early connection between aviation and photography. And in 1919, Hurley would again connect aviation and cinematography by his almost accidental involvement in the England-Australia air race or, as it became known, the Ross Smith flight.

Before the war had ended, the possibility of an air route connecting Australia to England was already being discussed in aviation journals. The Australian prime minister, W. M. Hughes, had flown a good deal between London and Paris during the peace discussions, and strongly favoured the idea. At his initiative, the Australian Commonwealth announced on 19 March 1919 that it would offer a £10,000 prize for the first Australian crew to fly from England to Australia within 720 hours and before 31 December 1919. By far the best aircraft available was the Vickers' Vimy bomber, and as no other pilot had anywhere near Ross Smith's experience with these large aircraft, Vickers invited him to fly their machine in the race.

La traducción del inglés de La economía de la Iniciativa Yasuní-ITT: Cambio climático como si importara la termodinámica se hizo necesaria porque de ninguna manera deberíamos limitar un texto sobre una problemática global a su lengua original: sólo al traducirla se le da la posibilidad de realizar su objetivo. Históricamente las barreras del lenguaje han sido superadas por medio de traducciones y éstas en muchos casos han llegado a tener un gran impacto en sus respectivas áreas.

En el caso de la obra de Joseph Henry Vogel, debemos tomar en cuenta que la traducción promete cambiar los esquemas de un error irreparable en que han caído grandes contribuciones al conocimiento humano al no haber sido facilitadas al lector hispanohablante donde reside gran parte de la biodiversidad terrestre. A pesar de que el español es uno de los cuatro idiomas más hablados del mundo, un idioma sin retroalimentación de los nuevos discursos científicos, filosóficos y críticos, que sirven como herramienta de progreso y conocimiento humano, puede estarse estancando al hacerse partícipe de sólo la migaja que se ha traducido. A esto se adhiere el problema de la piratería de las mismas traducciones que efectivamente socava el mercado. Como señala Joseph Henry Vogel en su página web, bajo “Translation Project” en www. josephhenryvogel.com, se pueden sacar fotocopias por 3 centavos la página y eso tiene consecuencias graves para el mercado de la traducción, además de coartar el acceso a textos importantes para aquéllos que no son anglófonos.

As William Heinemann explained to Mawson, with the outbreak of war in August 1914 there was a sudden collapse in the popularity of shows about polar exploration, including Ponting's With Captain Scott in the Antarctic and Mawson's The Home of the Blizzard, and it was not really until the late 1940s that the British feature film industry rediscovered Antarctic exploration's heroic age. It was for this reason, as I discuss in chapter three, that Shackleton delayed the premier of his own lectures on the Imperial Trans-Antarctic Expedition until the London season of 1919–1920. Almost at once, however, there were plans for exhibitions about the war itself that also involved the synchronized use of lectures, photographs, lantern slides, cinema, musical accompaniment, tie-in newspaper coverage and the display of war relics such as flags, uniforms, aircraft and artillery. While much has been written about representations of the Great War in the emerging mass media, especially the cinema and the periodical press, my focus in this chapter is on the use of Hurley's war photographs in these multimedia exhibitions. Between the final year of the war and 1923 – when volume XII of the Official History of Australia in the War of 1914–1918, the definitive Photographic Record of the War, was published – there were at least nine major exhibitions and related publications in which Hurley's photographs were used.

Introduction

For almost two decades, academic and expert milieus have developed a broad definition of security, one that is distinct from the traditional, state-centric view that focuses on military issues. This definition encompasses so-called non-traditional security issues: weak states and economies, unresolved conflicts, growing poverty, migration, organized crime, drug trafficking, and corruption, as well as terrorism, insurrectionist movements, energy security, nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism, chemical and biological weapons, maritime security, cyber crime, environmental degradation, health (pandemics), and food security – all of which reveal forms of low-intensity conflict and failures in governance (Preventing the Next Wave of Conflict 2003).

Research is now moving beyond the study of isolated and specific elements of security studies in order to provide a greater theoretical understanding of the complex interaction between security issues and, rather than simply point to local variables, examine their causal mechanisms (King and Murray 2001–2). Human security challenges are indeed interconnected and transnational in scope, defying unilateral remedies and requiring comprehensive – political, economic and social – responses (Tadjbakhsh and Chenoy 2006). As a result, they cannot be separately studied, nor individually resolved. The need to shift from a state-based to a people-based approach is still being debated (Paris 2001; Thomas 2001). The importance of human factors in these various issues has indeed to be taken into account, especially when it comes to finding resolutions, but the state remains the principle framework for regulating individuals (Richmond 2007).

La política es un motivo de esperanza y desesperación. Al Gore es ejemplar de cómo el político puede desengañar a un público comprometido fervientemente en la negación. Eso de por sí es motivo de esperanza, pero la carrera política de Al es pretérito perfecto. ¿Qué tal los líderes de hoy? Con la ciencia a favor de la estabilización del carbono atmosférico, la generación de relevo puede imponer los límites necesarios. Los votantes, tanto en el Norte como en el Sur han expresado un fuerte deseo de “cambio en el que podemos creer”. La oferta de líderes, ¿estará satisfaciendo a la demanda? Desgraciadamente, en la política siempre hay motivo para la desesperación. Los jefes de estado encontrarán resistencia en el sistema que prometieron cambiar durante sus campañas; Inexorablemente, el sistema tratará de cambiar a los mismos. El primer signo de esa resistencia es una secuencia de mensajes incoherentes mientras el político hace la transición de la campaña electoral a las riendas del poder. Declaraciones de la exploración de hidrocarburos y un compromiso con la estabilización de carbono en la atmósfera llegan a ser el doblepensar que tiene asido tanto al Norte como al Sur.

La gracia salvadora es el humor, el más escaso de todos los recursos. Un cambio inteligente de frase puede perforar la fría indiferencia de la negación y exponer incoherencias seductoras.

Introduction

With the rise of China, people around the world are wondering whether this rising power would change the existing international order, including the legal order. Economically, China is now one of the most significant trading countries, and its economy threatens to overtake the largest economy in the world (that of the US) in the not too distant future. Most importantly, its consistent two-digit growth rate in the last three decades has also made the Chinese economy the fastest-growing economy in the world. Since its accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO), its GDP has grown more than 10 per cent annually. China has also been one of the largest recipients of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow for many years, and is certainly going to stay that way for many years to come. Demographically, China is the largest country in the world with a total population of over 1.3 billion. Politically, China is one of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. It is common perception that the trend of China's ascendancy will continue well into the foreseeable future. The world political landscape will inevitably change in response to the rise of China, and so will the global order. Not surprisingly, it has been predicted that: ‘Asia will alter the rules of the globalizing process’ and ‘Asian giants may use the power of their markets to set industry standards, rather than adopting those promoted by Western nations or international standards bodies’ (National Intelligence Council 2004, 28).

Let us start with three vignettes from three key political events on three continents: the French presidential elections of 2007, the 2007 Australian federal elections, and the American presidential elections of 2008.

The May 2007 presidential elections in France broke a number of new grounds. First, both major contenders were selected – intentionally and openly – on the grounds of their popularity and mass appeal. Nicolas Sarkozy, a son of Hungarian migrants, was selected by the Gaullists for his personal appeal and his combative populist style. He was initially adored (together with his ex-model celebrity partner Carla Bruni) by the mass media. Ségolène Royal, the Socialist contender, was described as ‘the sexiest political candidate’ and ‘conviction politician’ with strong popular support, especially among women. The electoral campaign was dominated by TV debates accompanied by websites and blogs, talkbacks and ubiquitous ‘hand shaking and baby kissing’. As never before, these public appearances shaped candidates' images as popular leaders. The prolonged ‘American-style’ personality-focused campaign attracted a record number of voters (84 per cent turnout), with Nicolas Sarkozy winning 53 per cent of votes in the second round. Sarkozy's success was widely attributed to four factors: the strength of his personality, skillfully projected through the media; the celebrity style of presentation enhanced by his flamboyant manners and glamorous wife; his capacity to transcend ideological and party divisions, combined with an emphasis on ‘a new start’; and his image as a ‘strong leader’, ‘man of action’ and self-made politician who came from outside the political establishment.

Purpose and Structure

The main purpose of the study is to investigate the linkages between some key dimensions of the Charter of the United Nations (UN) and the issue of security. This is done through an examination of two key norms of the charter: the prohibition of the threat or use of force in inter-state relations and the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of states. The empirical application of these principles and their impact on regional security in the Pacific Asia region is examined through the study of the foreign policy of China and through the study of the principles governing the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). This is motivated by the fact that both China and ASEAN put strong emphasis on non-use of force in inter-state relations and on the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other states.

The study is structured in the following way. First, the key norms of the UN Charter relating the prohibition of the threat or use of force in interstate relations and the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of states are identified, followed by a presentation of the debate that they have generated. Second, the empirical application of these principles and their impact on regional security is in the Pacific Asia is examined through the foreign policy of China and the principles governing ASEAN.

In the last of his diaries from the Great War, Frank Hurley recorded his final, hectic days in London in July 1918. From his rooms at the Imperial Hotel in Russell Square, exhausted and ill with influenza, he was coordinating preparations for the AIF's exhibition of war photographs at the Grafton Galleries. At the same time, he was negotiating to secure distribution rights for three films of Antarctic exploration: his own films of Mawson's Australasian Antarctic Expedition and Shackleton's Imperial Trans-Antarctic Expedition, and Herbert Ponting's film of Scott's British Antarctic Expedition. ‘I am keenly anxious to leave,’ Hurley wrote, ‘…but the securing of these films should enable me to form the nucleus of a considerable business in Australia, and so I am doing my utmost to drive a bargain.’ After several years playing second fiddle to Mawson and Shackleton, Ponting, Castle and Bean, this would be the start of Hurley's career as a platform personality in his own right. In this chapter I examines Hurley's emergence as an independent show business entrepreneur, and how he set up that ‘considerable business’ in Australia after the war. It all began with his national tour of In the Grip of the Polar Pack-Ice in the Australian summer of 1919–20.

Exploiting Polar Exploration

Despite their sometimes nominal connections with institutions like the Admirality and the Royal Geographical Society, and with the British, Australian and New Zealand governments, the polar expeditions of the so-called classic era were in fact funded from a variety of sources, including private patronage, commercial sponsorship, and advances for the rights to books, photographs, newspaper articles and films.

Introduction

The ‘security-development nexus’ enjoys many guises. Perhaps most frequently, policy makers proffer the ‘nexus’ as description of, and solution to, the pressing and interrelated problems commonly understood to belong under the rubrics of security and development. References to the ‘nexus’ therefore often appear in the form of apparently self-evident approaches for addressing or treating extremely complex issues (such as, for example, the connections between poverty, armed conflict and sexual and genderbased violence). These approaches are usually painted in broad sweeping brushstrokes and receive little further explanation or justification of what is meant by security-development.

Los “costos irrecuperables” se revelan como un concepto útil. Su definición en la teoría económica tiene muchas expresiones a partir del lenguaje popular como “no gastar dinero bueno después del malo” y “borrón y cuenta nueva”. Utilizando un lenguaje menos coloquial, las decisiones deberían tomarse sobre la base de los beneficios futuros en relación a los costos futuros y no sobre la base de costos pasados. No se debe permitir que una mala decisión en el pasado condicione la nueva decisión a adoptar. Sin embargo, ocurre y es por eso que los “costos irrecuperables” se revelan como un concepto útil. Las aparentemente interminables guerras de los EE.UU. en Afganistán e Irak son un buen ejemplo. La política explica por qué los presidentes y primeros ministros no aplican el concepto de costos irrecuperables. En asuntos tan graves como la guerra, la reversión del curso tomado es una admisión de un error descomunal. Por ello, para evitar pagar el precio político, los Jefes de Estado evaden e ignoran el concepto de costos irrecuperables. En el caso de los conflictos bélicos de los EE.UU., el precio se estima ya alrededor de los billones de dólares.

La teoría económica no lo hace de manera diferente. Su marco conceptual ahora incluye costos irrecuperables, y en ninguna parte es esto más evidente que en el cambio climático y la entrelazada crisis de la extinción en masa.