The South Asian intellectual and cultural panorama has been portrayed for centuries as a consistent and impervious monolith, easily framed –according to this received opinion– by a few epitomizing effigies, such as the so-called Indian mysticism (twin of the ‘Asian irrationalism’), the static tradition of India and its perennial philosophy (which nicely matches its ‘soteriological wisdom’), all invariably understood as universally fitting notions.

This common view gained significant ground after the beginning of the eighteenth century, although some of its roots can be traced back to the endeavour of leading figures in South Asian thought, even prior to colonization, to establish a unified ‘cultural’ canon. Having proved itself to be an effective apologetic and propagandistic tool, it has continued its career until today in the context of the activism of representatives of so-called Neo-Hinduism. It found fertile ground because it has been reinforced by some classical models of approach to South Asian thought which have been classified by Amartya Sen into “magisterial, exoticist [and] curatorial”.

Contemporary scholars have variedly characterized the features of this common perception, emphasizing some aspects over others. Quite a number of examples could be quoted, ranging from Daya Krishna's idea of “three myths about Indian philosophy” to Sheldon Pollock's description of “[…] the fantasy of a uniquely religion-obsessed India (and a uniquely transcendent Indian wisdom)” and Romila Thapar's attempts to oppose the deep-rooted conviction that “[…] Indian religions were not based on dogma”.

This is the second volume of my collected papers. The first was published under the title Language, Texts, and Society: Explorations in Ancient Indian Culture and Religion, in the same series as this volume. That volume included papers dealing with Indian culture and religion in general and with ancient Sanskrit texts. The present volume brings together papers dealing specifically with Indian asceticism. This volume was also the brainchild of Federico Squarcini. I thank him for his assiduous work on both volumes.

The papers included in this volume span thirty years. Many represent my earliest work. It is quite natural that as one matures both in years and, hopefully, in wisdom, one's approaches and theoretical models change. It would have been impractical and unwise to rewrite all my earlier papers. Wherever necessary I have added notes to indicate my evolving views; sometimes I have improved my prose; and frequently, I have updated the bibliography and added the Sanskrit text to translations. I have deleted portions that were redundant because of other works I have published subsequently. Even though some of these papers are now dated, I hope bringing them together in a single volume will prove to be helpful to scholars and students.

Most of the individuals who have helped my intellectual development over the years I have thanked in the preface to the first volume of my collected papers.

An individual belonging to and writing within a tradition of expert knowledge (śāstra) is likely to compare and contrast his or her views to other exponents of that tradition. Modern scholars do this by means of bibliographical notes. Ancient Indian scholars resorted to several strategies, including citation of authoritative works, as well as presenting and combating opposing (pūrvapakṣa) views. Within the expert tradition of dharma, the earliest extant texts, the Dharmasūtras, frequently cite opinions of other experts with which the authors often disagree. This strategy is also evident in the Arthaśāstra (AŚ) and must have been a common practice among the early śāstric writers. The overlap between topics dealt with in the śāstric texts devoted to dharma and artha, especially with regard to the king and government, has been noted in previous scholarship. This paper, however, explores a different kind of śāstric intertextuality: an author's use of and dependence on a pre-existing textual tradition in the creation of a new text. The author of the Mānava Dharmaśāstra evidently used pre-existing sources in composing his treatise. Here I explore the connections between Manu and the Arthaśāstra of Kauṭalya.

Given the problems inherent in the dating of these two texts, it is not possible to assert with a high degree of confidence who is borrowing from whom. I do agree with Kangle, however, that it is most likely that at least sections of the Arthaśāstra are older than Manu and are the source for some of the passages and vocabulary I will discuss below.

Executive Summary

Since 1999, Mauritius has made signifi cant progress in tobacco control, and with new and improved legislation in 2008, Mauritius has emerged as one of the regional leaders in tobacco control. It has even emerged as a world leader in areas such as prohibiting corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities and compelling the inclusion of very large graphic warning labels on cigarette packages (65 percent of the package's largest sides). This progress has been important to address high prevalence rates which, though on the decrease generally, remain very high in some groups (the rate for adult male daily smokers as of 2009 remains greater than 32 percent).

There is clear support for tobacco control at the highest levels in the government. The Ministry of Health and the attorney general's office have been particular leaders. The tobacco control civil society movement, led by ViSa, is small but very active and a crucial watchdog of both the industry and the government's efforts to combat tobacco use. Currently, the tobacco control community is seeking to assess the successes and challenges of the recent legislative and regulatory changes, including the always demanding task of enforcement.

In general, the newest regulations are more than FCTC-compliant across most areas including advertising, sponsorship and promotion; labeling and packaging; and smoke-free places. Though not a part of the latest legislation, a tobacco-specific taxation strategy has a preliminary foothold and remains an area ripe for further development.

Executive Summary

While tobacco control had a very hopeful few years in the early 1980s when relatively comprehensive legislation (at least for the time and place) was introduced, advocates have struggled in recent years to make progress. In part due to an economically strong industry lobby and media support of the industry, most of the measures were rolled back in subsequent legislation (mainly in 1985). Consequently, there is very little in the way of current tobacco control measures in Senegal. Not surprisingly, perhaps, prevalence rates are high (though reportedly poorly and unsystematically measured), with adult smoking rates over 30 percent and perhaps greater than 40 percent. Youth rates appear to be lower at around 15 percent.

As of early 2011, a team of proponents of tobacco control is pursuing new comprehensive legislation within a Ministry of Health working group, though it is not entirely clear how much political will exists for a new law. Currently, tobacco control advocates have been focusing their efforts on an attempt to promote smoke-free policies in the infl uential religious center, the city of Touba. There is hope that this effort will lend moral authority to the tobacco control movement and put pressure on the national government to put tobacco control squarely back on the agenda.

Executive Summary

Eritrea presents some interesting and hopeful opportunities for tobacco control, even though it is not yet a signatory of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). Prevalence rates in Eritrea are low at approximately 8 percent, but there is regional variation and anecdotal reports of higher rates amongst young men in the conscripted army.

In this highly centralized regime with a powerful executive body, approval of proclamations generally indicates the government's commitment to a policy. Though the Office of the President finally approves all proclamations, the national ministries play a major role in crafting them. Regional “zoba” administrations also play vital roles in making, implementing and enforcing policies. Notably, the president proclaimed a set of national tobacco control regulations in 2004 (Proclamation 143/2004). Many of the articles of this proclamation are compliant with the FCTC; however, the regulations are largely ignored due to a lack of both political will and public awareness. Proclamation 143/2004 includes provisions for smoke-free schools, but there is evidence of noncompliance. As a result, the African Tobacco Situation Analysis (ATSA) team initiated aggressive implementation and enforcement of smoke-free educational institutions. There are encouraging signs that this activity is building a critical mass of broader support for tobacco control and raising public awareness.

Recently, both the health and education ministers have publicly stated their strong support of tobacco control for the first time.

The public health rewards of smoke-free policies have been well established and substantiated empirically, and include a decrease in tobacco consumption and youth smoking initiation as well as an overall reduction in heart attacks among other benefits. But this chapter demonstrates that what might seem like an obvious prescription to improve the overall health of a community can get easily mired in the daily political struggles of a country, state or city. Moreover, both advocates and policymakers frequently underestimate the sustained and vigorous effort – often coordinated between multiple, not always agreeable, parties – required to pass such policies and then to implement and enforce them effectively. Scholars are only beginning to examine the importance of the role of politics in the shaping of successful smoke-free policies, particularly in developing nations. This chapter seeks to help fill this significant lacuna in the literature.

The word “politics” is multifaceted and in this chapter it refers both to the process of decision making within and by governments, and the contestation for new policies that can involve nonstate actors such as civil society organizations and individuals in addition to the government. The two definitions are used more or less interchangeably, but should be evident in the context of the specific discussion.

The African Tobacco Situation Analyses (ATSA) countries demonstrate considerable variation in terms of tobacco control legislation generally and smoke-free policies specifically. As Table 3.1 illustrates, the extent of tobacco control legislation varies markedly.

Despite the demonstrated efficacy of increased tobacco taxation as a primary deterrent to tobacco use, the vast majority of the countries participating in the Africa Tobacco Situational Analyses (ATSA) initiative do not yet employ taxation as a tobacco control strategy. Though all 12 ATSA countries levy taxes on tobacco products, only South Africa has been able to create, implement and enforce significant tobacco taxation aimed purposefully at reducing consumption. This chapter seeks to furnish a regional context of tobacco taxation in Africa and to analyze the challenges that countries face in attempting to utilize such policy instruments.

Tobacco taxation generates a distinct set of important policy dynamics that merit serious consideration, particularly for advocates seeking policy change. Proponents of tobacco tax policy reform – i.e. targeted tax increases – must take their well-researched, ironclad case for change to government in order to convince them of the tangible revenue and public health benefits. They also have to be prepared for vigorous opposition from the tobacco industry and/or their allies, which will inevitably present a doomsayer scenario of decreased tax revenue and job loss. On the side of actual policy provision, proponents within government must develop policies that will be effective over the long term, particularly instituting a codified system of substantial specific excise tax increases that will account effectively for changes in personal income and inflation. Proponents within the government must also be prepared for opposition from colleagues towards these reforms, based on concerns over their constituency support and/or ideological preferences (e.g. lower taxes).

In recent years the tobacco control community has shifted its focus to low and middle-income countries (LMICs), which are becoming a major market for tobacco companies seeking to expand their profits and compensate for dwindling markets in higher-income countries. While some LMICs already have alarming smoking prevalence levels, many currently hover on the cusp of the epidemic. Such is the case in much of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Already burdened by infectious diseases, the region now faces the extra burden of noncommunicable diseases related to tobacco use. The goal is to prevent another epidemic. This objective raises unique challenges in an area where the negative health effects of tobacco use are not yet widespread and where governments do not yet consider tobacco control as a health or development priority.

Attracted to the notion of staving off another epidemic in SSA, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) partnered in the fall of 2007 to analyze the status of the tobacco problem in a number of SSA countries, and to identify those countries in which an intervention might be most effective. The original plan was to conduct situational analyses in these countries; that is, to gather all existing data on current tobacco use, tobacco farming, tobacco control policies and the key players involved in the field. African researchers would gather, synthesize and analyze data at the country level so that local governments, civil society, universities and potential funders could use this information to understand opportunities for and obstacles to tobacco control, as well as the capacity for action in each country.

Introduction

This short chapter aims to introduce the reader to the locations where the research has taken place. Basic information on population, territory size, economy, maps and illustrations are provided to aid this. The links between festivals, communities' histories and environmental conditions form an important part of the study. For this reason, this chapter is aimed at providing an overview of the topography and other geographical features, such as climate, soil composition and water and how these have been managed by or have influenced the development of the communities in question. As will be evident in later chapters, the rural territories around urban centres have more direct bearing on the research carried out in the smaller communities of Montepulciano and Monticchiello, making it worthwhile to introduce these at an early stage. The interlinked histories of Siena and Florence, once medieval ‘superpowers’ of the region, also have had a profound impact on the history of the two smaller neighbours. These aspects are presented by way of a tour starting with the Sienese countryside, through Monticchiello and Montepulciano and coming finally to Siena itself.

The Land and the Water

Some of the landscape of the Siena province has come to be well known in the last few years. The gently sloping hills and cypress-lined avenues unwinding towards sturdily built farmsteads have become almost a logo for the rural idyll, escape-from-it-all dream. The idealised image that car manufacturers, filmmakers and tourist industries have adopted to capture popular imagination has great appeal.

Executive Summary

Malawi demonstrates one the lowest levels of tobacco control in Sub-Saharan Africa, having enacted almost no tobacco control legislation or regulations. It is also one of the largest producers of tobacco leaf on the continent and in the world. Not surprisingly, it has not signed the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). However, prospects for policy change may be brighter than one might expect under these circumstances because there is a very active civil society–based tobacco control movement and the presence of the tobacco manufacturing industry is limited compared to most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The tobacco industry, in the form of the usual players such as British American Tobacco (BAT), does not appear to be a major economic and/or political player. Malawians are generally very poor and prevalence rates are relatively low, so revenues from manufactured tobacco products are limited and the large fi rms have mostly stayed away from this country. Instead, it is the leaf-purchasing companies that wield signifi cant political and economic power. To date, these companies have not had to face substantial tobacco control measures. It is diffi cult to anticipate how much resistance any new measures might face from these groups and others (particularly agricultural organizations). There is, however, already general resistance to tobacco control measures from some key parts of the government because of the economic signifi cance of tobacco leaf; the product generates greater than 60–70 percent of export exchange depending on the year.