Then and Now

So far I have approached the topic of Indian overseas students in Australia from a migration perspective. From the start, it was clear that the majority of Indian students come to Australia with a so-called ‘double intent’: they are there for the purpose of both education and migration. However, this situation is not reflected in the visa with which they enter Australia; on paper, they are simply ‘overseas students’. This is also how they are talked about in the press, and how they appear in statistics. This chapter will focus on this dilemma. While in the previous chapter these students were placed in a historic framework of Indian migrants arriving in Australia, this chapter will focus simply on the history of ‘studying abroad’, and, more in particular, on the history of overseas students in Australia. Rather than fieldwork data, a reading of academic books and papers published on the topic of international education in the past hundred years forms the basis of this chapter. Special attention will be paid to the issue of non-returning students – students who have come to a particular country to study but then decide to stay on, or who simply never return to where they come from. The relevancy of doing so is simple: although studying abroad is often understood as a consequence of increasing globalization, it remains a rather narrowly defined concept by itself, leaving little room for understanding the people who fall under this category as anything but ‘overseas students’.

Prior to the advent of the west in East Asia, East Asian countries regulated their international relations according to the norms and practices of the Chinese tributary system commonly known as the Chinese world order. It was a vague system which was challenged by western powers. Although Japan was never a part of China's tributary system, many of Japan's diplomatic behavioural patterns and norms were based on Chinese ideas because while China had a long history of foreign relations, Japan had none. And yet, it was the Japanese and not the Chinese who were able to observe the stark difference between the anachronism of the East Asian diplomatic structure and legalism of the western international relations. Japan's diplomatic triumph over the Taiwan episode of 1874 is a unique case history not only for the study of the breakdown of the traditional Chinese tributary system but also the speed and the manner in which the Japanese had conformed to western style diplomacy and imperialism.

Prior to 1874, the status of Ryukyu had been ambiguous. Although it was an independent kingdom, it had become a tributary of China in the fourteenth century. Around the same time, it had also entered into a kind of tributary relationship with the Satsuma clan, a feudal domain of south-western Japan. Consequently, Ryukyu acquired a status of dual subordination and domination, and periodically sent tributes to China as well as Japan.

INTRODUCTION: A PROJECT FOR NATION-BUILDING

What defines a nation? Is it historic possession, ethnic background, de facto might makes right or de jure agreements? What makes a nation and what confers national sovereignty? Do self determination, democracy and imagined community enter into this equation? That is the question.

Taiwan, a vibrant democracy, is the sixteenth largest economy of the world with its population exceeding that of 75 per cent of United Nations (UN) members. Though all countries trade with Taiwan, it has not been granted political recognition and diplomatic status. Taiwan is languishing in a muddy legal quagmire without historical precedent.

The flags of five different nations have flown over Taiwan in the past 400 years. The people on the island have adapted to every new regime. Taiwan is like a sweet potato – humble, nutritious and quietly growing under the sand – but determined to emerge and face its destiny.

Taiwan straddles the Tropic of Cancer and falls in the path of monsoon rains, storms, typhoons and earthquakes. Nature corresponds to the chaotic and dynamic history of Taiwan.

Taiwan is an offshore extension of China, the southernmost reach of the Japanese Chain and the northernmost stretch of South East Asia. Situated on the crossroads where the three powers meet, the people found themselves buffeted, torn and with little control.

INTRODUCTION

This statement by Kuomintang (KMT) Chairman Ma Ying-jeou captures the nature of the problem of cross-straits flights. The ambiguity involved allows the respective governments to interpret to their own advantage the nature of these flights. However, the issue at hand has always been more than one of a simple renewal of contacts between Taiwan and the Mainland. Direct transport, trade and postal links – the ‘three links’ – with the Mainland were snapped by the Republic of China (ROC) government that had fled to Taiwan following its defeat. Today, in an era of deepening economic ties, the lack of direct and convenient links between the two political entities remains something of an anachronism. What has complicated matters, however, is the fact that the strengthening of Sino-Taiwanese economic ties has also been accompanied by the rise of Taiwanese nationalism represented for nearly seven years by an avowedly pro-independence party in power.

INTRODUCTION

Taiwan, an island in the South China Sea has a total area of 22,214 sq. km, and a population of 23 million. According to per capita income it ranks thirty-fourth in the world. Within 40 years it has rapidly developed from a predominantly agricultural to a highly industrialized economy. Education has played an important role in transforming its economy and society.

The Portuguese in the fourteenth century called Taiwan ‘Isla Formosa’ or ‘beautiful island’. Formosa later came to be known as Taiwan meaning ‘terraced bay’. In AD 1626, Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) or the Dutch East India Company captured Keelung and subsequently Tansui in AD 1629. The Dutch organized labour, created mines and plantations and introduced new crops and tools. Taiwan became a cog in the wheel of international commerce stretching from Nagasaki to the Netherlands. The records of the VOC contain interesting letters sent from Batavia on the role of Taiwan as an entrepôt for the exchange of gold, silk and ceramics. The Dutch also took upon themselves the responsibility of ‘civilizing’ the aborigines through conversion to Christianity. During the Dutch rule, many missionaries educated the Taiwanese natives, and it can be said that the Dutch were the first to introduce some kind of an organized system of education in Taiwan.

INTRODUCTION

According to Article I of the Constitution of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO):

The philosophy of UNESCO's Constitution according to Hans J Morgenthau, a well-known realist in the field of international relations, assumes that ‘education, cultural exchange, and in general, all activities that tend to increase contacts among members of different nations and make them understand each other contribute necessarily to the creation of an international community and the maintenance of peace’. However, Morgenthau argued that this assumption was wrong. Morgenthau insisted that increased understanding did not necessarily result in increased friendship. Moreover Morgenthau maintained that ‘the more thoroughly one understands the other side's position, character, and intention, the more inevitable the conflict often appears to be’.

Although Morgenthau took a very pessimistic view of the role played by UNESCO, the successful formation of the European Union (EU) and the contribution of the Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) to the reduction of tensions between rival countries have vindicated the UNESCO.

INTRODUCTION

The notion of ‘Taiwanese democracy’ is indeed unique in terms of the pace and process it has gone through. The year 2007 marks the twentieth anniversary of the lifting of Martial Law in Taiwan. Who would have imagined a young democracy like Taiwan to survive all the potential setbacks and growing pains that so-called ‘third wave of democracies’ have endured.

WHO GETS THE CREDIT?

Academic researchers and political analysts often wonder who gets the credit when it comes to the question of Taiwan's democratic opening in the mid 1980s. Some suggest it was the bottom-up approach of the then opposition force, Danwai that pushed towards democratic opening, following the 1979 Formosa incident leading to the establishment of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) on 28 September 1986. Some argue that it was Kuomintang (KMT) and a top-down approach that resulted in political democratization. Under President Chiang Chin-kuo, the KMT, reacting to pressure from the DPP, successfully opened party competition and electoral competition. The driving force behind Taiwan's democratic opening shows that it is people power – collective effort made by 23 million people in Taiwan – that has contributed to the emergence of democracy. We are proud to say that today's Taiwan is free from blacklists, political prisoners and religious persecution. Falon Gong is legally protected. Citizens enjoy full civil rights – freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, freedom of press, etc.

In the dynamics of the Sino-Indian relationship during the last half-century or so, Taiwan has never been considered as a tool of Indian diplomacy and strategy towards China. This is because from the very beginning of their post-war diplomatic relations, India's dealings with China were by and large guided by the former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's vision of Asian solidarity which required friendly relations with China. However, India overlooked Chinese ambitions and the consequent dangers, and failed to safeguard its own national and security interests. China, not only gained some territorial advantages on the common borders, but also successfully encircled India in association with some other hostile countries. Thus China created a kind of pressing situation for India in order to prevent it from counterbalancing Chinese power and influence in the region.

Consequently, India still lacks in strategic and diplomatic leverage over China even though it has acquired the status of a nuclear power. Moreover, the future course of Sino-Indian relations is still unpredictable in spite of some initiatives for reconciliation and confidence building. Hence, India has yet to find out some alternative ways to meet the Chinese challenges. India's ‘Look East Policy’ is aimed in this direction. For the success of this policy, Taiwan's strategic significance cannot be ignored.

The relationship between India and China has been marked by mutual courtesy and esteem throughout the ages till the mid twentieth century scenario of world politics.

Today East Asia is undoubtedly the most dynamic region of the world in terms of economic growth and development. The 1980s economic boom in East Asia drew the world's attention towards it. The ‘Four East Asian Tigers’ (South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan), as they were called, ceased to appear like developing areas as they achieved phenomenal success in their growth-oriented strategies and effectively advanced the standard of living of their people. In India, Taiwan began to be noticed and its outstanding economic performance appreciated, both among the government and non-government circles.

Soon after independence, India's international overtures indicated that it wished to have close ties with the entire Asian and African region. In the post-cold war period this has been revived in some form. India's diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC) rules out any possibilities of political ties with Taiwan. However, in the mid 1990s the Indian establishment's ‘Look East Policy’ widened the arena for a multidimensional relationship with the various entities in the East Asian region. In 1995, both India and Taiwan set up ‘Economic and Cultural Centres’ in Taipei and New Delhi. Economic relations had been growing much before this but with the setting up of these centres, people-to-people contacts have been increasing with each passing year. In the sphere of economic ties there is great scope for expansion particularly in the Information Technology (IT) sector.

INTRODUCTION

The author had the fortune to serve the Venerable Hiu Wan (1914–2004) for 26 years. He had often heard her talk about her experience of studying in India (1948–51). This paper highlights some of the artistic works produced by Hiu Wan that focused on the rich cultural and artistic characteristics of India. The historical context of the paintings will be presented in the following order:

VENERABLE HIU WAN AND HER CHAN PAINTINGS

The School of Southern Side of the Five Ridges in Kuang-tung, the socalled Ling-nan School, is an important division in the history of modern Chinese painting. It advocated the combination of Chinese features with western characteristics in national paintings. The school promoted a living style that was both practical and enlightened. This school has produced many works with substantial content. Hiu Wan used to be one of the most essential protégés of her school's founder – Gao Jian Fu.

As a second generation student, Hiu Wan was greatly influenced by the foundation of the Ling-nan School. She emphasized the Chan's ideology of living in many of her paintings, and instilled the idea of purification of human minds, which had a far-reaching impact on Chinese society. Her paintings have been highly recognized and admired worldwide for their unique style in showing the essence of Chinese culture, while at the same time portraying spiritual concepts ranging from Confucianism, to Buddhism, to Daoism.

I seek your indulgence by beginning on a personal note. I had the pleasure of heading India's non-official representation in Taiwan for three years (2000–03). Amazing as it may seem, I could not find a book on Taiwan in the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi or Ministry of External Affairs libraries and except for Ambassador Vinod Khanna, my predecessor in Taiwan, I could not find an individual who was particularly interested in or closely following events in Taiwan. Thus, I left for this new assignment only dimly aware of the fascinating and dangerous complexities of the Taiwan issue. It turned out to be one of the more educative and instructive tenures of my Foreign Service career. In the period since then, from a virtually non-existent base, there has been a very welcome increase in interaction between Taiwanese scholars and strategic experts and India's strategic community. As India's involvement with the Asia-Pacific region deepens and expands, it is important that the Indian academia too takes a proactive interest in expanding consciousness of the enormous significance of the Taiwan issue in the country at large. Therefore, this conference with the theme ‘Taiwan Today’ organized by the Department of East Asian Studies of the University of Delhi is a timely and important initiative to help further enhance interest amongst the Indian student body in the Taiwan issue.

INTRODUCTION: ORIGIN OF THE KUOMINTANG AND BACKGROUND OF THE CROSS-STRAIT CONFLICT

Sung Chiao-jen organized the Kuomintang (KMT) in 1912, under the nominal leadership of Sun Yat-sen, to succeed the Revolutionary Alliance. The original KMT programme called for parliamentary democracy and moderate socialism. In 1913, President Yüan Shih-kai of China suppressed the KMT although it held a majority in the first national assembly. Under Sun Yat-sen, the party established unrecognized revolutionary governments at Guangzhou in 1918 and 1921 and even sent a delegation to the Versailles Peace Conference. Sun accepted aid from the USSR, and after 1922 many Comintern agents, notably Michael Borodin and V K Blücher, helped reorganize the KMT. At the party congress in 1924 at Guangzhou, a coalition including Communists adopted Sun's political theory, which included the Three Principles of the People – nationalism, democracy and people's livelihood. Sun thought that Chinese national reconstruction must follow these stages: military government, tutelage under the KMT and popular sovereignty.

In 1926, KMT General Chiang Kai-shek launched the Northern Expedition against the Beijing government. After halting temporarily in 1927, when the Communists were purged and the civil war between the two factions began, the KMT finally captured Beijing in 1928. The KMT government at Nanjing received diplomatic recognition in 1928 and the period of tutelage began. After several KMT military campaigns, the Communists were forced to withdraw from their bases in south and central China and establish new strongholds in the northwest.

INTRODUCTION

Technological innovations have always been treated as a gender-neutral phenomenon, though in reality they affect women and men differently and often unequally. Due to their inferior status within the household and the community, women always lacked access to and control over technological advancements in countries like India. Consequently, they have always lagged behind in benefiting equally from technological advancements. This problem is acquiring new dimensions with the advent of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) which has brought in an age of information and knowledge where information is the new wealth and access to it and the capacity to use it is power. It has brought about a revolutionary change in the way we interact with each other in all spheres with unprecedented possibilities of empowering the disadvantaged. However, despite such potential to empower disadvantaged groups and despite the massive investments in ICT in every country, there are evidences of a gender imbalance in the use of ICT at the global level that might prevent women from being equal partners/beneficiaries of the emerging information society. There is a digital divide and a gender gap within the digital divide in several developed and developing countries. The access to and use of ICT by women should perhaps be included as one of the parameters in the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) and the Gender Related Development Index (GDI) in the information age.

Taiwan is a fascinating story of the rise of some 23 million people populated over 36,000 sq. km. It has posed a hugely complex issue and situation. It is the fifth largest economy in Asia and has the third largest foreign exchange reserve. It can pride itself for possessing perhaps the largest computer hardware industry. In some ways it is a world player. Yet it is struggling with the question of identity. It would like to remain as it is but what that it is remains an open but most contentious issue. To me the fascinating part is not just its economic rise but its simultaneous bursting forth as a robust democracy, often noisy and chaotic.

Economic development began under authoritarian aegis and governmental guidance as Taiwan became one of the Asian tigers, but economic growth broke down the authoritarian structure. The spread of democracy within a highly developed economy surprised the world. Sometimes a single spark sets the prairie on fire, if I may borrow Mao's phrase in a different context. This spark in Taiwan was the Chungli incident in November 1977. The election of county magistrates and city mayors was taking place. There were widespread rumours of elections being rigged. The situation snapped in one of the counties – Taoyuan, I believe. Angry people in Chungli, encircled the police station and burnt it down. That became the catalyst for the dawn of democracy and from then on the democratic movement was on an unstoppable course.