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The worldly life of Yasujiro Ozu (1903–1963) was, like that of many another artist, very worldly. This is especially true of film artists, for no one can live in a movie environment as in a Buddhist monastery. And no film director is likely to get the chance to achieve such “purity” as Ozu's (more on this term later) unless he can deal with the rather less pure circumstances that surround the making of all films.
Ozu entered films as an assistant in 1923, when he was twenty years old, assigned to a director of light comedy. He had been born in Tokyo but moved away with his mother while quite young. His father had remained in Tokyo to manage the family business, so Ozu grew up virtually fatherless – an interesting fact in light of the centrality of father figures in his later films. Sent to a boarding school, he did badly and was expelled. When he was in a prefectural (or public) middle school, he was dispatched to the city of Kobo to apply to a good high school. Instead Ozu went to a movie. He soon saw other films, by Thomas Ince and Rex Ingram, and later he said that, if he had not seen them, he might never have chosen the film profession.
But he did choose it, and, with the help of a friend of his father's, he got his first job. Ozu remained an assistant for four years.
As this book has attempted to demonstrate, in pre-Famine Ireland the average tour could involve two parallel tracks, the combination of which varied for each visitor. One track searched for the picturesque; the other for Ireland, or at least an understanding of Irish society. Curiosity about the people of a host country is, or should be, a proper part of any type of tourism. In the case of British visitors to Ireland, however, their tours contained an implicit imperative, even before the Act of Union. While the picturesque was often a convenient perceptual screen that could blur unpleasant realities, in Ireland reality frequently forced itself upon the traveler. In fact, as suggested several times throughout this study, the picturesque created preconditions whereby Irish problems, especially the country's poverty, were seen as a contradiction to Ireland's natural beauty. As a result, visitors frequently felt that something was “wrong” with Ireland.
Something was, indeed, wrong, and if visitors been willing to look more deeply and honestly into the history and nature of British-Irish relations, the sense of contradiction might have led to useful reforms. However, British blame fell too easily on Irish landlords and peasants. And questions of national character too often pushed aside the recognition of basic economic problems. Once the Famine took hold, both the government and the British public speedily abandoned effective relief and shifted the burden of aiding a starving peasantry onto the shoulders of the already strained Irish property class.
Whether Botany Bay was made in a merry mood of Nature, or whether it was her first essay in making continents, we shall never know; but we may be quite sure, that every thing found there will be diametrically opposite to the ordinary productions and inventions of the Old World.
– Monthly Review (1794)
There is something so strangely different in the physical constitution of Australia, from that of every other part of the world; – we meet with so many whimsical deviations, on the two islands of New Holland and Van Diemen's Land, from the ordinary rules and operations of nature in the animal and vegetable parts of the creation…
– Quarterly Review (1835)
Known colloquially the world over as the land ‘down under’, Australia has a reputation as a place ‘so strangely different’, where the rules of nature are turned upside down. The stretching horizons, the flatness and the particular quality of light mean that, even now, many claim Australian spaces are somehow different. Apparent contradictions show themselves in contrasting stereotypes of Australia as the land of the lucky, of opportunity, of the endless summer, at the same time as being an underdog culture with roots in a penal colony past. In the nineteenth century, the term ‘antipodes’ came to be associated specifically with the settler colonies of Australia and New Zealand.
Vladimir Alpatov is a Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences and Deputy Director of the Institute of Oriental Studies in Moscow, Russia.
Craig Brandist is Professor of Cultural Theory and Intellectual History, and the Director of the Bakhtin Centre at the University of Sheffield, UK.
Katya Chown is Lecturer in Russian at Leeds University and Honorary Research Fellow of the University of Sheffield, UK.
Kapitolina Fedorova is Assistant Professor at the Department of Ethnology of the European University at St. Petersburg, Russia.
Michael Gorham is Associate Professor of Russian Studies at the University of Florida, USA.
Viktoria Gulida is a Docent in the Philology Faculty of St. Petersburg State University, Russia.
Mika Lähteenmäki is Senior Researcher in the Department of Languages at the University of Jyväskylä, Finland.
Vladislava Reznik has worked as lecturer in Russian at Durham University and collaborated on a number of research projects at the London School of Slavonic and East European Studies and the University of Lausanne in Switzerland.
Michael Smith is Associate Professor in the Department of History at Purdue University, USA.
Some ‘mysterious transformation’ is said to have affected Westerners once they proceeded East of Suez. The view that experience of life in an alien Eastern country set travellers and expatriates apart from their fellow countrymen was common amongst those who reflected upon the effect on generations of Europeans of life in the Orient. So much was the East—West encounter perceived as leaving its mark on people's personality that those who had lived in the Orient for some time were regarded as a ‘distinct species’. Their peculiar views, attitudes and behaviour were both excused and explained by reference to life abroad and on return to Europe they were treated ‘either with awed bewilderment or humorous ridicule’. What sparked off this ‘mysterious transformation’ has since the eighteenth century been subject to speculation. Some assumed that it was the alien environment that was to blame, in that polite manners and sociable behaviour were ‘jungled out’ of those exposed to prolonged life in the tropical forests and arid plains of the Indian peninsula. Others were inclined to see the lack of ‘restraint of parents, relatives and friends’ as upsetting the mental balance and emotional inhibition of a number of those young, predominantly male, griffins, or green newcomers who, being ‘thrown together’ with others of their age, became ‘violent and intractable’.
In early spring 1845, a young Indian Navy officer by the name of Edward Charles Z. was embarked on the Imam of Muscat on account of his deranged state of mind. Lieutenant Z. had been granted a sick certificate that entitled him to three years furlough in England. He had served on several of the Company's vessels in India since April 1830 and was put on the sicklist in July 1844 on return from a naval mission to the Persian Gulf. At that stage of his career the then 28 year-old was keen to see the last of duty in India and yearned to be allowed to proceed to Europe on sick leave. However, he was thwarted in this by Company authorities anxious not to worsen the navy's pressing manpower needs. Z. developed symptoms of ‘mania’ or, as the certifying doctor in Bombay put it, on the refusal of sick-leave ‘his mental symptoms seem to have supervened’.
Further investigation by a medical committee on the authenticity and severity of Z.'s mental symptoms revealed several earlier instances of odd behaviour recollected by fellow-officers. While on duty on one of the Company's receiving ships, for example, ‘his Conduct had attracted the notice of every one on board’. Not only did he walk ‘the deck night, and day successively’, but he also one morning ‘fancied that he was to be hanged at eight o'clock’ and ‘attended punctually for the purpose and behaved in the most extravagant manner, when the hour passed and his anticipation had not been realized’. It emerged that Z.
Now celebrating its fiftieth anniversary, Some Like It Hot (1959) is still significant in four ways in American film history. It is the best film by the last European director to flourish in the United States. (Hollywood has seen two principal “waves” of European directors. The first group, including such men as Ernst Lubitsch and F. W. Murnau, were imported in the 1920s by an American industry that was jealous of European artistic advances and worried about commercial competition. The second group consisted of the political refugees of the 1930s.) It is the best film of the last great sex star created by Hollywood. It is the last of the carefree American comedies that sprang up when sound came in, bloomed through the thirties, and had a revival after World War II. And it is the last really good film farce produced in the United States to date. There have been new imitations of old farces, there have been new farces, but all are inferior to Some Like It Hot, in part because, unlike Billy Wilder's picture and all other great farces, cinematic or theatrical, they lack conviction in the moving body – running, sliding, hurtling, wheeling, bicycling, jumping, climbing, and falling – as a source of wonders.
The plot concerns Joe (played by Tony Curtis), a saxophone player, and Jerry (Jack Lemmon), a bass fiddler, both young and broke, who accidentally witness the Saint Valentine's Day massacre of one gang by another in Chicago in 1929.
Although modern tourism did not begin there, Ireland was among the first countries to be defined, at least in part, in terms of its scenic attractions. Between 1750 and 1800 the Lakes of Killarney, the Giant's Causeway and the Glens of Wicklow became internationally recognized tourist sites. By 1850, with the beginnings of the country's rail system, Ireland had developed a basic infrastructure required to support tourism. In fact, during the century following 1750, some 570 travel accounts about Ireland had been published, most of them produced by British and Anglo-Irish writers.
While these works take a variety of forms and reflect a multiplicity of interests on the part of their authors, many of them were shaped by the growing enthusiasm for sublime and picturesque scenery. While the already established British “Home Tour” influenced expectations among those who crossed the Irish Sea, the Irish Tour had its own attractions and challenges, providing a unique set of experiences for the British visitors. This study focuses on the emergence of tourism in Ireland and on the nature of the Irish tourist experience.
Irish tourism emerged on the cusp of significant changes in British travel and travel writing. These changes had already manifested themselves by the middle of the eighteenth century, as the Grand Tour was gradually overtaken by the picturesque “pleasure tour.” Not that the Grand Tour had lacked potential for pleasures—of almost every possible variety. However, pleasure was not supposed to have been its primary purpose.
To fully appreciate the obligations and the impact of the rules-based system, one has to go beyond identifying that the WTO is a trade-negotiating body. It is in the detailed provisions of the respective Agreements that one may discern a true glimpse of the potential which trade has for development. In this selected study we opt for a more fundamental approach in assessing the dynamics of trade and economic development by taking a closer look at one such Agreement: the WTO Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures – the SPS Agreement. The essence of the SPS Agreement lies in the demands for public health and safety which is a universal need, placed alongside the need to ensure that the protection of public health and safety does not constitute the basis of arbitrary restrictions on trade by national governments. Thus while the importance of public health and safety is acknowledged, the adoption of unfair restrictive trade measures lacking scientific basis is denied.
It is not too difficult to understand the reasoning behind this perspective. Regulating the international market and all trade and economic endeavour carried out therein must be seen to have a positive impact on not only producers, but also on consumers. This is because when a rule of international trade reaches into the domestic environment as they all inevitably do, its only justification must be that it is well balanced against the legitimate aims of the domestic regulations.
More than fifty years after its creation in 1948, the Organization of American States (OAS) is undergoing significant transformations. Contrary to skeptical assessments of this organization, some analysts theorize that at the present historical juncture, the OAS may be emerging from its original role as a secondary instrument of US hegemonic power to become a relatively significant actor in promoting regional inter-state cooperation and consensus. Indeed, there is at least some evidence that indicates that the OAS is assuming new functions and acquiring new powers and, in the process, taking on a much more active role in setting the rules and agendas for regional governance in the hemisphere.
Any examination that deem the OAS as a significant instrument of cooperation and consensus always needs to take into consideration that there are also different views that regard any type of post-World War II effort to build a multilateral system largely as a failure. For instance, John O. Ikenberry (Ikenberry 1989) articulates his ambivalence toward the success of the multilateral efforts by the US in Europe to promote its particular brand of a postwar multilateral liberal system. According to Ikenberry, in spite of its hegemonic power, the US failed in its attempt to bring its own understanding of liberal multilateralism to European states and prevail upon them to create a grouping of western industrial democracies with a distinctive pattern of a deeper security association with the US (Inkenberry 1989, 376 and 395).
The second half of the eighteenth century is the most significant in the history of British and French exploration and colonization in the Pacific. An abundance of travel literature, about real and imaginary voyages, formed a creative palette for synthesizing information from more than a century of European discovery in the antipodes. Imaginary voyages continued to draw upon well-known antipodean imagery and to offer utopian critiques of European society, and they weaved in the increasing material evidence of new geographies and new cultures. More imaginary voyages were published in this period than at any other time. Many examples engage with or comment directly upon the political and philosophical issues raised by the growing European presence and cross-cultural encounters taking place in the antipodes. Out of this environment emerged the two anonymously published texts, Fragmens du dernier voyage de La Pérouse [Fragments from the Last Voyage of La Pérouse] (1797) and The Life of La Perouse, the Celebrated and Unfortunate French Navigator (1801). They offer a fascinating glimpse of how writers of fiction were able to capture and exploit the appeal of contemporary exploratory voyages. In these marvellously realistic stories, distinctions between fact and fantasy are carefully masked. Both examples are framed around the mystifying disappearance of the famous French navigator, Jean-François de Galaup de La Pérouse, a tragedy that was a magnet for public speculation.
References to the ‘great south land’ and ‘South Seas’, respectively alluding to an immense area of land and of ocean, emphasized a broad-brush perspective and drew attention to the extent of uncharted spaces, awaiting discovery, that kept driving exploration.