During the 1800s, Thomas Becket's reputation underwent substantial re-fashioning in Britain: new biographies and transcriptions of medieval texts were published, his story was reimagined for the stage, and he became an important figure in the Roman Catholic revival. Less well-studied is the renewed appreciation for medieval material culture related to the saint. Initially viewed as curios, over the course of the late 1700s and throughout the 1800s these artefacts became popular and widely recognised works of medieval art. Central to the reception and circulation of such objects was the antiquarian network comprising private collectors and scholars, curators, and dealers. Their collective output, including lectures and demonstrations at society meetings and published proceedings, codified Becket's iconography and fundamentally shaped his position as one of England's most important historical figures. This spirit of enquiry was often prompted by new discoveries, such as pilgrim tokens unearthed in the City of London, and by Victorian exhibitions that presented Becket to the wider public. This article will chart how the discovery, collecting, and display of such objects sheds light on our understanding of Becket's eighteenth- and nineteenth-century legacy. Due to the volume of material, it has not been possible to provide a comprehensive survey of all media and representations of St Thomas. Instead, I will examine selected antiquities related to the saint in circulation during this period, explore several case studies including Limoges enamelled chasses and pilgrim souvenirs, and reflect on their place in public exhibitions.

Berlioz's first article, the first of three entitled Polémique musicale, was published in Le Corsaire on 12 August 1823 when he was nineteen. He asked of Spontini's opera La Vestale, among other things, ‘Why does the orchestra make so much noise?’ Berlioz's propensity for causing trouble lasted throughout his career as critic; but at the same time, he was happy distributing praise when he felt it to be deserved. Other outlets in these early years included Le Correspondant (1829), the Berliner allgemeine musikalische Zeitung (1829), which published eight articles translated into German, the Revue européenne (1832), L’Europe littéraire (1833), Le Rénovateur (1833–5), L’Italie pittoresque (1834), Le Monde dramatique (1835), and La Chronique de Paris (1837–8).

There were two journals to which he remained loyal to the end of his critical career, if one counts as one the weekly Gazette musicale de Paris (1834– 5), which became the Revue et Gazette musicale de Paris (RGM) in 1835 (so before the period covered in this selection of articles). This was a specialist publication, as its name implies, edited by Maurice-Adolphe Schlesinger (1798–1871), also a music publisher of works by Berlioz and his teacher Jean-François Le Sueur among others; contributors to Schlesinger's periodical included Robert Schumann, Liszt, Wagner, and George Sand. The other was the Journal des débats (JD), a political daily for which Berlioz first wrote in 1835. A fuller account of these journals, their editors and owners, and Berlioz's connections to them, personal and professional, may be found in Peter Bloom's introduction.

This section looks at the ways that American prisoners of war could hope for release, or élargissement. As explained above, though they were held in the same depots as the British prisoners of war, they were not British. Their country was not at war with France and held no French prisoners of war in the United States, so they could not be exchanged. Few of them were taken from Royal Navy vessels and none of those were officers, so they could not be granted parole and return to their own country. There was no set of rules or statutes codifying the release of American prisoners, nor was there any treaty negotiated which outlined conditions for their release. Every prisoner's case was evaluated individually, even if some of them later sailed home as a group. There were five types of release of American prisoners of war.

The first was when a seaman was able to prove that he was not working on the British vessel on which he was captured but merely a passenger. Only a very small number of men were released because they were passengers. The second was release on compassionate grounds, which almost never occurred, yet prisoners seemed to believe that it was a real possibility. The third was when a seaman gave the French valuable information about their enemy, the British. This worked very well, but few men had information that the French could use. The fourth was actually a temporary release but provided excellent opportunities for escape, and that was to volunteer to work on a French privateer attacking British or American merchant vessels. Over 200 men chose this way to get out of the prison depot.

Appendix 4: The Fish Scribe: Pembroke Manuscripts

January 30, 1944

German Listeners!

When you read certain statements that appear in Nazi propaganda, which continues its work mechanically and almost soundlessly, one wonders whether they are the product of pathological isolation, of an eerie detachment from the world and reality, whether they stem from the nonconformism of insanity, or whether they signify the impudent falsification of reason, the unconscionable perversion of the meaning of language, the deliberate turning of truth on its head. “Look at the world around you,” Goebbels said, “and ask yourself whether life would still have any meaning for humankind if our enemies were to achieve their goal.”—Is that insolence or insanity? It is probably a combination of the two. But the combination is more repulsive than either alone would be. Just hearing the word “humankind” coming from this mouth—how does that make you feel? Where did he get it from? Is it even in his vocabulary? Does he lack any healthy awareness of the fact that anyone in a given position, a position necessarily informed by a set of doctrines and deeds, those of National Socialism for example, must refrain from invoking certain words and concepts, because they belong to another sphere, the counter-sphere, and those in certain positions are not entitled to use them? Does he think that one can simply steal and plunder and “expropriate” in the spiritual and moral realms like one does in the physical realm? What gives him the right to talk about “humankind”?

Brahms's return to Vienna coincided with the first Viennese visit of Robert von Hornstein (1833–1890), a Swabian-born composer whose one-act operetta Die Pagen von Versailles (The pages of Versailles) was given its premiere at the city's Carltheater on October 13, 1863. In his memoirs, Hornstein discusses at length the many pleasant interactions he had during this visit with Vienna's leading musical figures. He spent a good deal of time in particular in the company of the music critic Eduard Hanslick and his friends. It is probable, therefore, that Brahms, who was already on Du-terms with Hanslick, was among those who made Hornstein's acquaintance.

What is beyond doubt is that Brahms would have been familiar with Hanslick's high regard for the visitor's music. In his review of the first performance of Die Pagen von Versailles, the critic wrote:

We were interested in this new work because not long ago we were convinced by this composer's songbooks that a pleasing, popular talent has appeared here, which is as if it were made for the badly neglected field of the light-hearted Singspiel. The first three of Hornstein's [four] Soldatenlieder, op. 28—“Hans Ziethen” [no. 2], “Seidlitz” [no. 1] and “Grenadierlied” [no. 3]— astounded us with their simple popular power, which is so seldom encountered in our days of refined and over-refined composition.

Nearly all of the deaths listed below can be found online on the websites of the Departmental Archives, which have made available the civil registers of births, marriages and deaths from 1792 through to at least 1902. Many of the registers of Givet have been lost. Some, but not all, of the deaths also appear in the ADM series.

Abbot, Ephraim, of Plainfields, New Jersey, died at Cambrai in 1811

Allen, Joseph, of Boston, died at La Rochelle in 1810

Anderson, George, of Alexandria, Virginia, died at Sedan in 1811

Annable, Samuel, of Charlestown, Massachusetts, died at Bayonne in 1808

Archer, Edward, of Baltimore, died at Besançon in 1813

Baggs, Daniel, of Charleston, South Carolina, died at Bordeaux in 1802

Bailie, Elias, died at Arras in 1808

Bassett, Robert, of New York, died at Metz in 1805

Bayley, John, of New York, died at Givet in 1807

Beach, Joseph, of Boston, died at Cambrai in 1813

Boston, Prince, of Nantucket, died at Cambrai in 1813

Bowen, Seth, of West Jersey, died at Arras in 1807

Bradfield, Thomas, of New York, died at Metz in 1810

Brogen, Thomas, of New York, died at Givet in 1814

Brosse, Henry, of Baltimore, died at Givet in 1808

Brown, William, of Boston, died at Mont Dauphin in 1811

Bruce, Robert, of Rhode Island, died at Arras in 1811

Buck, Jonathan, of Boston, died at Metz in 1813

Bunker, Henry, died at Metz in 1807

Bunker, Peleg, of Nantucket, died at Verdun in 1806

Carpenter, Joseph, of Baltimore, died at Bitche in 1811

According to McAuliffe, “The ‘hard graft’ of feminist activism continued into the twenty-first century, where new challenges arose and old unfinished battles continued”. Access and the right to safe abortion, equal representation in politics and positions of decision making, same-sex marriage, and action to combat male violence, sexism, racism, and discrimination are all examples of continued battles in twenty-first-century Irish society. To prohibit discrimination in the provision of goods, services, accommodation, and education, The Equal Status Acts were enacted from 2000–2018. In terms of significant political milestones, in the same year Mary McAleese began her second term as Uachtarán na hÉireann in 2004, Mary Coughlan became the first woman to become Minister for Agriculture, demonstrating changing attitudes towards women in an otherwise very traditional field. Four years later, during the start of a major economic recession and depression in 2008, Mary Coughlan went on to become Ireland's second female Tánaiste, succeeding Mary Harney, who was first elected in 1997.2 In 2010, the “50/50” campaign was launched to help change the demographic of Dáil Éireann. And, before President Mary McAleese finished her second term in office, she welcomed Queen Elizabeth II on her first ever state visit to Ireland in May 2011. This was a defining moment in Irish history, evidencing significant sociocultural and political progress since the enactment of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.

Members of the eighteenth-century navy were accustomed to using agents. Officers were paid a year or more in arrears, and their crews were also often kept waiting even longer for their wages. There had to be a mechanism, at every level within the vessel, for keeping families, households or estates solvent. Mariners at all levels appointed agents to work for them on shore, whether or not they were in the additional capacity of prize agent. Acting for another in business was a profession in its own right. Naval agents collected wages or half-pay; bought for ready cash the ‘tickets’ which entitled the possessor to collect pay in the future; lent money to the wives of crew members and kept track of where the ships and their crews were. The captains’ agents communicated to their clients if a problem had occurred with passing accounts through the Navy Board, for instance. The young captain John Elliot explained to his family that he needed to have credit advanced him when he was sent to the Mediterranean:

… I have some time ago appointed Innes and Clerk my agents in the city so if you think it proper to give me a credit on them or Messrs Campbell and Coutts the bankers in the Strand or in what other manner you propose … they have had a great deal of trouble about my wages etc when I was in the India Service and since I’ve been in the Navy and have served me well.

In this case Innes and Clerk had financed the young man in expectation of his receiving the pay due to him from the Navy Board: they were acting as unofficial bankers, and providing an essential service to the navy while doing so.

The Instituto de Cultura Física (ICF, Institute of Physical Culture) was created in Porto Alegre in 1928 for the purpose of offering physical activities for women. The founders, Leonor (Nenê) Dreher Bercht (1895–1965) and Philomena (Mina) Black Eckert (1904–79), were descendants from immigrant German families. As young women Bercht and Black traveled to Germany, where they encountered Jaques-Dalcroze's Rhythmic Gymnastics, the name he originally used for his teaching of music and body movement. The ICF, during its nine-year existence from 1928 to 1937, provided instruction in Rhythmic Gymnastics, other forms of gymnastics, and dance. Influenced by the eugenics and hygienist discourses of the early twentieth century, the ICF initiative to develop physical culture appropriate to modern women found a positive reception amongst Porto Alegre's society. Our chapter analyzes the practices offered by the ICF to understand how the Dalcroze method was applied and adapted in this specific context. We aim to map the trajectory of Bercht and Black, who introduced Dalcroze-based teaching in southern Brazil, and to trace the role of their successor, Eliane (Lya) Clotilde Bastian Meyer (1911–2005). Meyer, who also was of German descent, both studied and taught at the ICF early on in her long career.

Porto Alegre, the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, was founded in 1772 by Portuguese immigrants.