The most fundamental task of any chronicler, as the word suggests, is establishing a chronology. Something, however, is seriously wrong with the chronology of the OE annals from the middle of the eighth century to the middle of the ninth. All seven versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle that survived into the modern period include a two-year dislocation for the annals dated 754–828 in all versions (correctly 756–830), and a three-year dislocation for the annals dated 829–c.851 (correctly 832–51). The dislocation was also present in the lost OE source of Æthelweard's Chronicon. A version of the Chronicle was among the sources used by the compiler of the Annals of St Neots (1120x1140). In St Neots, unlike all other witnesses, these eighth- and ninth-century annals do not show the chronological dislocation. Plummer argued that their correct dating in St Neots provided evidence of an original version of the common stock to c.892 with all entries correctly dated. This hypothesized OE source of St Neots was given a place in the Chronicle's family tree earlier than all other witnesses. In his interpretation, all the surviving OE versions and other witnesses descended from an archetype which had later and inadvertently introduced this error.

David Dumville has dismantled the entire basis of the belief that St Neots can tell us anything about the earliest phase of the making of the Chronicle.

Rem.1919

Archbishop Davidson reported to the diocesan bishops of England and Wales in October 1919 that proposals had been made in ‘different quarters’ (the records do not specify what these were) for the appointment of ‘a special day or days’ to be ‘permanently associated’ with the war or its outcomes, but that opinions differed on what to commemorate: remembrance of the war dead, thanksgiving for victory or inauguration of the League of Nations. Nor was there agreement on the date or dates: the most favoured were the anniversary of the armistice on 11 November, and empire day on 24 May, which had received government recognition in 1916. The bishops themselves were divided: some favoured a thanksgiving day in July to mark the anniversary of the peace treaty, while others were opposed to the appointment of any permanent anniversary day. Davidson himself commented that anniversary days carried ‘the danger of lessening interest as time went on’, but that he would seek the opinions of ‘some leading civil authorities’. No evidence of these consultations seems to have survived.

In the apparent absence of a government decision for the current year, the archbishops and leaders of most other churches had already agreed to assist a campaign by the League of Nations Union (LNU) for the anniversary of the armistice to be observed ‘in every city, town, and village as League of Nations Day’, to promote the League's cause.

In 1910, women's suffrage campaigners Gabrielle Jeffery and May Kendall met outside Holloway Prison in London waiting to cheer on released suffragettes. They were allied by their passion for the suffrage cause, but also, as they realised that day, by their Catholic identity. This fortuitous meeting led to the formation of the Catholic Women's Suffrage Society (renamed St Joan's Social and Political Alliance in 1923; then St Joan's International Alliance in 1954). Co-religionists were recruited to the cause of women's suffrage and by 1913, the Catholic Women's Suffrage Society claimed over 1,000 members. Over the next 50 years, the Society expanded to twenty-four countries over five continents. Outlasting most suffrage societies, they successfully moved from their original aim of suffrage for women on the same terms as men, towards broader aims of political, social and economic equalities between men and women. The women of St Joan's Alliance saw their Catholic faith as an integral component of their feminism; they identified their causes for equality between men and women as ‘elementary justice’ and argued for the ‘essential Catholicity of our feminist creed’.

A monition was a warning that an individual was expected to appear before the court at which the legality or otherwise of his actions would be determined. In this case Thomas Lynn, captain of Roebuck, having taken as prize the Spanish San Juan Baptista, is now being pursued to argue the case against the Spanish proctor.

San Juan Baptista Monition to set further proceedings against Thomas Lynn Esquire

George the Third by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith To all and singular our officers and witnesses and other our liege subjects being literate persons whosoever in and throughout our Kingdom of Great Britain and to John Joplin Officer of our High Court of Delegates Greeting; Whereas our beloved Andrew Coltée Ducarel Doctor of Laws Surrogate of our right Trusty and right intirely beloved our Judges or Commissioners by us specially appointed by Virtue of our Letters Patent under our Great Seal of Great Britain for the hearing and final determination of all causes of Appeal and Complaint as to ships and goods seized and taken as Prize in a certain Business of Appeal and Complaint of Nullity promoted by Don Francisco Guerra de la Vega claimant of the ship San Juan Baptista (Don Juan Francisco Capan Master) and goods therein against Thomas Lynn Esquire the commander and the Officers, seamen and others of our ship Roebuck the captors of the said ship and goods rightly and duly and duly proceeding at the Petition of the Proctor of the said Don Francisco Guerra de la Vega alledging that by a certificate ??

The concert on 3 February also included a Mozart quartet, a cantata by Porpora, and songs and Schubert's ‘Trout’ Quintet. These were dealt with in summary fashion in the first two paragraphs, so that Berlioz could expand on what interested him most; the translation starts at the third paragraph.

Then came the duet from act 3 of Orphée, sung by Duprez and Mlle Pauline Garcia, accompanied by M. Dietsch. You can imagine the audience's curiosity. For my part, never having heard the young singer whose name has attained a reputation that might have its dangers, I took a double interest in hearing her for the first time in a work of the great dramatic school. Singing Gluck as she did, Mlle Garcia overcame an immense difficulty, if one takes account of the musical milieu in which she has lived so far. It is not the cavatinas and flatulent duets – equally false in their expression, taken from most contemporary Italian operas – that could put her on the path to what counts, in my opinion, as the highest summit of art. It's not by singing music one really likes every evening, if not to hear oneself, at least to give them a hearing in the frivolous salons of almost every European capital, that she would acquire the absolute intelligence and passionate feeling of the grandeur of Gluck's genius. And if we were to express a final judgment on her singing, we should have to say she remained well short of the target she was aiming at.

INTRODUCTION

These trials took place before the central justiciary court in Edinburgh in September 1678. The prosecutor was the lord advocate, Sir George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh. The accused persons came from several parishes in Haddingtonshire, where a massive wave of witchcraft accusations swept over the area in a short time. Most of the accused were women, of widely varying ages. Twelve death sentences were passed, all upon women.

The first group of convictions included nine women from the parishes of Ormiston, Crichton and Humbie: Margaret Dodds, Peaston (Ormiston parish); Margaret Douglas, Crichton (Crichton parish); Isobel Elliot, first Peaston (Ormiston parish) and then Templehall (Pencaitland parish); Helen Forrester, Crichton (Crichton parish); Helen Laing, Peaston (Ormiston parish); Margaret Lowes, Humbie (Humbie parish); Isobel Shanks, Crichton (Crichton parish); Margaret Small, Humbie (Humbie parish); and Marion Veitch, Keith (Humbie parish). One of the women accused in this group, Christian Hogger (residence not recorded), had her case dropped. The second group of convictions included three women all from Fala, in the parish of Fala and Soutra: Bessie Gourlay, Agnes Somerville and Margaret Souness.

A further group of accused witches, eight women and one man, were declared fugitive: Margaret Anderson, Ormiston (Ormiston parish); James Campbell, Winton (Pencaitland parish); Marion Campbell, Peaston (Ormiston parish); Margaret Dalgleish, Keith (Humbie parish); Elspeth Knox, Keith (Humbie parish); Margaret Russell, Peaston (Ormiston parish); Agnes Thomson, Over Keith (now called Upper Keith; Humbie parish); Grisell Walker, Keith (Humbie parish); and Elizabeth Wood, Over Keith (now called Upper Keith; Humbie parish). Another fugitive recorded was Gideon Penman, the deposed former minister of Crichton. Other sources mention him as a suspected witch and master of witches; various stories were told about him, but he was never brought to trial.

The Elizabethan output of Thomas Lodge provides a useful case study for the topic of ‘bad’ or ‘drab’ poetry. Whereas it was mostly ignored (if not openly scorned) by subsequent critics, this essay contends that it was a product of late sixteenth-century literary culture: places, and associated networks that nurtured it (grammar school, university, inns of court, private households); the pressures placed on professional writers, such as Lodge, to produce works for the competitive marketplace of print; and the transition from ‘mid-Tudor’ to ‘high Elizabethan’ tastes and styles. Examining such critically neglected works casts light on a groundbreaking, and prolific, period of English writing, and the imitation, innovation, and rivalries that fuelled it. The essay breaks into two main sections: the first introduces Lodge in the context of his literary milieus and networks; the second focuses on Phillis (1593), as the volume of poetry which has attracted the most critical attention (mainly accusing Lodge of plagiarism), but one which also has suggestive resonances with Shakespeare's sonnets.

Born in 1558 to a leading London merchant's family, Lodge's formative years were spent in a series of locations which almost certainly cultivated his literary sensibilities and ambitions. His father (also Thomas) was forced to declare bankruptcy in 1563, before the end of his tenure as Lord Mayor of London. The younger Thomas subsequently spent some of ‘his infancie […] incorporated’ into the household of Henry Stanley, Lord Strange, later Fourth Earl of Derby, a period which he remembers with gratitude in A Fig for Momus (1595).

Introduction

The study of history has traditionally emphasized the impact of human actions on the environment, often overlooking the reciprocal relationship. However, environmental history provides valuable insights into how humans have shaped their surroundings over time, influencing various aspects such as politics, society, economy, and culture. African historiography has also been influenced by this perspective, with many narratives centered on human agency. Nevertheless, Africa's diverse environment, including a forest region teeming with flora and fauna, rivers, lakes, and other water features, significantly influenced the emergence and development of ethnic groups in the region. It is important to consider not only how these groups utilized their environment for survival but also how the environment, in turn, shaped African societies. Additionally, there is a need to redress the imbalance in the focus on land over water, leading to a more comprehensive study of environmental history literature.

The need to depart from the notion that environmental history examines the conservation of wildlife, soil, water, and forests and practical use of the environment has led to the exploration of the mutual relationship between people and their environment, making this study ecological. According to Arnold and Guha, the interrelationship between humans and the environment is central to environmental history, and in recent times, this theme has evolved to pay particular attention to conservation. Issues on conservation come to the fore in this study during the colonial period when water bodies were exploited for their natural resources.

Here begin the rules, which Robert Grosseteste the good bishop of Lincoln made for the Countess of Lincoln, on how to guard and govern lands and household. He who will keep to the rules will live well and comfortably off his demesne and keep himself and his people.

This inscription marks the beginning of a set of rules that was compiled by Robert Grosseteste, the thirteenth-century bishop of Lincoln. The rules included advice for the management of estates and rules for the domestic arrangements of the household, and it was one of the best known contemporary treatises on estate and household management. This treatise was specifically addressed to Margaret de Lacy, the widowed countess of Lincoln, who presided over a large magnate household and vast complex of landholdings. The practical nature of the advice offered in this treatise demonstrates the bishop's concern for the countess’ level of competence in administrative matters now that she had been widowed and had assumed sole control of the family's properties. It also suggests that the bishop accepted the idea that a noble widow could assume direct ownership and governance of her own lands. The bishop was not alone in his beliefs, judging from descriptions by his contemporary Gerald of Wales, who said that Matilda de Saint Valery, wife of William de Braose, a Welsh Marcher lord, was ‘well equipped to rule her household’ and ‘highly skilled in preserving her property’. These viewpoints are indicative of a general acceptance of the idea that all women, not only those who had been widowed, could participate actively and effectively in household and estate administration.