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Article 34 of the European Convention on Human Rights prescribes that individual applications must be directed against one of the Convention States. Consequently, private actors involved in proceedings against other private actors before domestic courts must complain about State (in)action in their application to the European Court of Human Rights. In other words, originally 'horizontal' conflicts must be 'verticalised' in order to be admissible. Although such verticalised cases make up a large portion of the Court's case law, the particular nature of these cases, as well as procedural issues that may arise in them, has not received much attention. To fill this gap, this book offers a detailed examination of verticalised cases coming before the Court. The characteristics of and the Court's approach to verticalised cases are explored by means of an in-depth analysis of four types of verticalised cases (cases related to one's surroundings; cases involving a conflict between the right to reputation and private life and the right to freedom of expression; family life cases; and employer-employee cases). On the basis of this analysis, it is argued that the Court's current approach to verticalised cases poses problems for private actors, Convention States and the Court itself. In presenting recommendations for the resolution of these problems, the book concludes with a proposal for a new approach to verticalised cases, consisting of a redesigned third-party intervention procedure.
Fragmentation is currently discussed mainly in the context of international law; this book shows that the complexity of regulations and multiplicity of institutions in a non-hierarchical order lead to fragmentation in national legal systems as well as in international law. However, the aim of the book is not merely to describe contemporary fragmented law, but rather to offer arguments for strengthening the systemic character of law. The book explores methods of pro-systemic interpretation, the principle of proportionality, legal pluralism, and these analyses result in the conception of normative coherentism. While the vast majority of scholarship associates coherentism with epistemological issues, such as the coherence theory of truth, this work emphasises the importance of an approach to law that focuses on the underlying principles and doctrines that form its foundations, as well as the connections between the various elements of the legal system that need to be discovered through the doctrinal study of law. The axiological, not axiomatic, nature of law, complexity theory and common foundations of simultaneously applicable legal systems are described as the basic premises of normative coherentism. The author outlines manifestations of normative coherentism in various processes in law, especially in law- and decision-making.
After a period of authoritarian regime like those in Latin America during the 70's and 80's, a transition to democracy usually raises questions such as 'Who will be held accountable?', and 'Who deserves reparations?'. At the same time, in the foreground of the debate is the threat to the stability of the regime: 'How can we balance competing moral imperatives, reconcile legitimate claims for justice with equally legitimate claims for stability and social peace, and foster the relationship between justice for crimes of the past and a democratic order?'
The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Agreement is at the forefront of current African business, trade and legal discussions. The future of African development, on a continental level, is largely tied to the success or failure of this agreement. One of the primary concerns of legal professionals and the international business community is the dispute settlement mechanism that will be built into the agreement. African nations are also acutely aware of the importance of developing a dispute settlement system that strikes the right balance between the interests of international investors and the needs of local populations. However, to date, there has been very little published on this topic as it pertains to the AfCFTA. While several articles look at individual components of the complex topic of African dispute settlement, there are few publications that bring together the various aspects. Individuals shaping this discussion, particularly the legal practitioners working to influence the conversation on how disputes should be carried out under the agreement, will benefit from the comprehensive look provided within the book. Not only does the author provide sound foundational knowledge as to the current landscape of dispute settlement on the continent, but he also presents a clear path forward for the negotiation of the dispute settlement provision of the AfCFTA.
Originally, the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) was meant to protect the rights and freedoms of individuals against interference from the state. However it has become apparent that the ECHR matters also in the 'horizontal' relationships between private parties. Over the last two decades, the ECHR has come to play a major role in a large number of private law issues. As a result, the case-law of the ECtHR has triggered significant changes in Contracting States' domestic private laws. The aim of this book is to provide a broader view of the impact of the ECHR on national private law. To that end, it begins with a comparative analysis of the interaction between the ECHR and the States Parties' domestic laws, focusing on two jurisdictions: Germany and Italy. The chapters forming the main part of the book explore the influence of the ECHR on a wide range of fields of private law. The analysis of cases reveals many common features in the decisions of the ECtHR involving issues of private law. The final part of the book focuses on a number of overarching issues, in particular on the role of comparative law in the reasoning of the ECtHR and on the contribution of the ECHR to European harmonisation of private law. What becomes apparent from the various contributions is that the ECHR and the case-law of the ECtHR are becoming important elements of a common European private law.
This book focuses on the legal governance of online platforms concerning direct and indirect discrimination against users in the housing, advertising, and labor markets. Through an extensive investigation of sources this book illustrates how statutory law and legal precedents in the EU and the US are only partially equipped to address discrimination against statutorily protected classes in online platforms.
Europe is neither a deus ex machina nor a scapegoat, but can make a real difference to European citizens in their daily life. Those citizens are the real stakeholders in the European story. Europe has proven that it can realize what was considered by many as impossible. The internal market and the euro have become feats that others envy. Processes can be slow and errors have been made, such as the decoupling of monetary and economic policy, but the European project has proven to be solid and able to navigate through turbulent waters and crises. Moreover, crises often appeared to act as an accelerator for the European integration process. COVID-19 is a prime example. The next-generation project is an unprecedented injection into the real economy. Financing through European loans would never have been possible without COVID-19. Other examples, such as space policy and the monetary union, showcase Europe's standing on the world stage. However, Europe is under attack. Populism and nationalism are rampant, the United Kingdom has left the Union and public confidence in Europe is waning. How should it move forward? With that question, the author takes the reader behind the scenes and delves into the story of Europe: a story of ambitions and illusions. With his unique, personal insights from his experiences working in European institutions, he explores the future of Europe and proposes twelve priorities for action at a European level, which he calls the 'Twelve Labours of Hercules'.
On 10 December 2009, Law Nr. 20,405 created the Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos (INDH or the Institute) in Chile: this followed four years of discussion and negotiation in the country's National Congress. President Ricardo Lagos had introduced the original Bill concerning the National Human Rights Institute back in 2005. It was based on the recommendations of several national and international organisations. Initially, the process included general comments and observations received since the 1990s from distinct treaty bodies, which acknowledged the important role that NHRIs can play in monitoring specific human rights instruments. At the regional level, the Organization of American States (OAS) had been promoting the strengthening of these institutions since 2005. Domestically, following an initial announcement by President Lagos in his annual address to the nation, the National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture recommended the creation of an NHRI in 2005.
Consequently, Law Nr. 20,405 reflected the broader institutional fabric that had begun to be woven throughout the Chilean state following the return of democracy, which, in terms of distinct Transitional Justice measures or decrees, had led to the creation of the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation as well as the aforementioned National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture. The 2005 Law abandoned the paradigm of temporary institutions, replacing it with a permanent NHRI. In this context, the establishment of the INDH was an important step:6 18 years had passed since President Patricio Aylwin (1918–2016) had introduced an, ultimately unsuccessful, Bill in the National Congress calling for an ombuds office
Three bodies compose the Inter-American Human Rights System, as established by the American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR): the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR), and the General Assembly of the Organization of American States (OAS). While the IACHR is mandated to promote the observance and defence of human rights, the IACtHR is granted both contentious and advisory, or non-contentious, jurisdiction, and the General Assembly is tasked with considering the annual report submitted to it by the IACtHR. For the exercise of these powers, the ACHR views the aforementioned bodies in a context in which, due to the period when this treaty was concluded, international society was essentially made up of sovereign states that were and are obliged to respect and ensure respect for the human rights enshrined therein. This is particularly the case concerning Articles 1.1, 2, and 35 of the ACHR, among other articles, and, in more specific relation to the IACtHR, Articles 61.1, 65, and 68. Given this context, the treaty provides that only states and the IACHR may be parties to cases in which the IACtHR exercises its contentious jurisdiction.
The Rules of Procedure of the IACtHR (Rules of the Court), however, introduced the possibility for alleged victims of human rights violations to appear before the Court, giving them the opportunity to assert their rights and opinions, and present petitions in an autonomous manner. Subsequently, NGOs began providing support to complainants, or their families, regarding their pleadings, arguments, and evidence.
In line with the UN Paris Principles, NHRIs are established by constitution or law as permanent, accessible, and specialist human rights access points, for both rights-holders and duty-bearers at national level. They provide information to citizens, cooperate with civil society, deliver advice to government, hold state authorities to account for human rights violations, and inform the international community of the national human rights situation on the ground. Emerging in the 1990s, NHRIs remain a rather novel phenomenon in the human rights landscape, in Europe and beyond. The increasing establishment and role of European NHRIs remains understudied, and, until recently, the unique features of NHRIs were not very familiar to human rights practitioners in the region.
While a number of chapters in this book include case studies addressing the functioning of particular NHRIs, the present chapter provides a bird's eye perspective on the European NHRI landscape. It will describe typical characteristics of NHRIs in the European region, highlighting some important challenges and opportunities for NHRIs across the continent. Following the approach of this edited volume, the chapter will distinctly address characteristics of European NHRIs, across the multiple layers of the human rights system. In the first section, the focus is placed on the characteristics, opportunities, and challenges that are typical for European NHRIs at the national level.
The Paris Principles are the benchmark against which all NHRIs are generally measured in the important accreditation process managed by the international network that groups them today. These principles, as construed and applied by GANHRI's SCA, are a good example of how international law can bring the rule of law into municipal law. Because of their origin, the Paris Principles favour the human rights commission as an institutional model over the ombuds-institute and the human rights institute, and focus on the creation of NHRIs, rather than in their subsequent operation. These two aspects constitute a limitation of these principles. Even though the first of these problems has been solved in practice, the second one remains a reality that requires identifying efficiency criteria going beyond institutional design and guiding NHRIs in the effective fulfilment of their functions.
From a comparative perspective, NHRIs are a common tool of constitutional law for the promotion and protection of human rights. As this book has shown, this is particularly true for Latin American NHRIs, where the figure of the ombuds tends to take precedence over commissions or institutes. With few exceptions, the vast majority of these NHRIs enjoy a legal status that allows us to describe them as constitutional institutions, aimed at fulfilling that critical role. NHRIs’ relevance has been recently highlighted by the UN, the Council of Europe and the OAS. In 2017, the UNGA promoted the existence of independent NHRIs as an indicator for Sustainable Development Goal 16 of Agenda 2030 – that of promoting just, peaceful and inclusive societies; it reiterated the significance of NHRIs during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Latin American constitutional systems underwent a strong metamorphosis during the final decades of the twentieth century and have continued to do so during the first part of the twenty-first. One of the main objectives driving this constitutional change has been the desire to overcome the legacies of various conservative political regimes which formerly held power across the region. These regimes fuelled social exclusion and, simultaneously, allowed normative and institutional weaknesses to give rise to a general neglect in the protection of fundamental rights.
The wave of constitutional reforms, termed ‘new Latin American constitutionalism’ by some and ‘neo-constitutionalism’ by others, has helped to bring about significant changes, including: a considerable expansion of the catalogue of legally recognised fundamental rights; the strengthening of institutions responsible for the protection of these rights; the creation of new protection mechanisms; an increased recognition of subjects of special protection (women, children, indigenous peoples, among others); the empowerment of constitutional jurisdiction; and the articulation of constitutional law in keeping with international human rights law, among other significant developments.
In this context, the so-called defensorías del pueblo have come to the fore as new institutional figures, which, imported from Europe and adjusted to meet Latin American realities, act as critical tools for the promotion and protection of fundamental rights in the region. The defensorías del pueblo were conceived as institutions with an express mandate to work closely with the general public. In performing this role, they constitute a crucial part of multilevel protection systems in which states’ national mechanisms for the protection of individuals are closely linked to international mechanisms.
National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) currently operate across all five continents, striving to comply with the so-called ‘Paris Principles’. As a term of art, NHRI is a widely accepted one. Under its aegis, numerous institutions promote and protect human rights following two basic models: commissions and ombudsman offices, and sometimes hybrid and specialised institutions. NHRIs have been integrated into a network of administrative agencies and judicial courts that deal with human rights at the national and international levels. They provide a valuable example of institutional dialogue and cross-fertilisation between municipal and international law. At least in Europe and Latin America, their presence is so extensive that it could be argued that NHRIs are now part of a common legal tradition, which allows for certain distinctive features in each region.
WHY THIS BOOK?
At present, there are quite a few informative monographs and edited books on NHRIs, written from a general or a specific perspective. No publication, however, has yet contextualised and analysed the similarities and differences between European and Latin American NHRIs, providing case studies on concrete commissions, ombuds offices and institutes from across these two regions. By drawing on the existing literature, this book aims to bridge the European and Latin American experiences on NHRIs, while emphasising the essential international aspect that these institutions have. Filling a gap in the legal literature, this work is aimed at studying NHRIs from an international and comparative standpoint.
The Principles relating to the Status of National Institutions were first defined at a workshop, held in Paris in 1991, and were formally adopted by the UN General Assembly (UNGA) two years later. Their relevance cannot be overstated, for they put forward the main criteria that NHRIs have to fulfil, including principles as to their role, establishment, composition, and operation. Loosely conceptualised in doctrine, NHRIs embody state self-regulation and accountability in the area of human rights. Following the Paris Principles, the UN has defined them as ‘a body which is established by a Government under the constitution, or by law or decree, the functions of which are specifically designed in terms of the promotion and protection of human rights’. NHRIs typically adopt the form of a either a commission or ombudsman, the shape and size of which differs from state to state. Beyond such classic models, hybrid and specialised institutions have also been recognised as NHRIs. Since the 1990s, these permanent and independent agencies have multiplied extensively throughout the world. At present, more than 100 states have one of these administrative bodies active in their territory.
The Paris Principles have not only allowed the UN to delineate NHRIs, but have also become the benchmark used for measuring their structural design. For years, these non-binding principles have been applied as legal rules in the now all-important accreditation processes which govern these institutions. However, two questions remain: what exactly is the nature of an NHRI? And what is its main objective?
Since the adoption of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (the Charter) in 2000 – and even more so since the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009 elevated the Charter's legal status to a position of parity vis-à-vis the European Union's (EU or Union) founding Treaties – the EU's commitment to the promotion and protection of and respect for fundamental rights in its internal policies and action has grown exponentially. In its internal law, policy, and action the Union seeks to ensure that its institutions and Member States acting within the scope of EU law proceed in compliance with citizens’ fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Charter. EU external action tells a similar story of exponential growth in human rights activity, with the Treaty of Lisbon at the apex of strong exhortations requiring the Union to advance ‘the universality and indivisibility of human rights and fundamental freedoms’ in the wider world.1 The Union has shown itself to be a staunch defender of human rights worldwide, not least through its dealings with third countries and engagement with human rights protection mechanisms at the UN and beyond.
Given this context, it is hardly surprising that the EU has become increasingly interested in and supportive of the work of National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs).