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Introductory Note: In 1993 the Government of Japan took the initiative to organize The Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) and I was invited as a guest speaker, in particular on the agenda item “Asian Experience and African Development”. I was very encouraged that Japan, one of the richest countries in the world, gave special attention to the suffering of millions of people in Africa. In my presentation I emphasized the many similarities of the challenges faced by Indonesia and the countries in Africa, including the diversity of its population and the many challenges to be faced. During that occasion, my colleagues who also attended the Conference (professors Sadli, Emil Salim and my other colleagues) had occasions to interact with delegates from different countries in Africa, which later on was followed up with many visits by Sadli and Emil Salim to those countries. The intensive interactions with the actual problems they saw in Africa strengthened their convictions in arguing for the relief of the debt-ridden countries in their meetings with officials of the multilateral agencies (the World Bank and the IMF) as well as in their meetings with representatives of the highly developed countries. It was encouraging news for all of us when the multilateral agencies finally introduce the HIPC (Heavily Indebted Poor Countries) debt relief for the highly indebted developing countries, although the pace of relief was unfortunately slow.
It is a great honour for me to be invited as a guest speaker to the Tokyo International Conference on African Development. The theme of the second agenda of the Conference is “Asian Experience and African Development”. Since my knowledge on development is limited to the experience of one country only — Indonesia — perhaps the best contribution I can provide to the Conference is to present some features of the economic development of Indonesia during the last twenty five years.
In order to provide the necessary setting, let me start with some statistics and a little bit of history. Indonesia is the largest archipelago in the world, consisting of more than 17,000 islands. Its length from west to east is about the distance from Accra to Mogadishu, or from London to Kuwait, or from San Francisco to somewhere in the Atlantic Ocean east of New York.
Introductory Note: The compilation of the First Five-Year Development Plan (Repelita I) began in 1967 and continued in 1968. The implementation of Repelita I began in the fiscal year of 1969–70. At the time, the fiscal year started on 1 April and ended on 31 March of the following year. When Repelita I was being drafted, exchanges of views were held with various circles concerning the basic guidelines of the entire five-year plan programme. Because Repelita I was already under preparation, its basic framework was utilized as material for the exchanges of views on the basic ideas of the overall five-year plan program.
At present (1968) the compilation and specifications for Repelita are underway. The Basic Framework for Repelita still requires further detailing because at this time it contains only basic guidelines. Input, in the form of thoughts and opinions, would therefore, be very much appreciated toward the improvement of the Basic Framework for the Five-Year Development Plan Programme.
The starting point for formulating the Basic Framework is the long period of time that will be required for the completion of the development process. This period has to be divided into phases that are reflected in the various five-year development plans. Therefore, the first Repelita should be seen as the beginning of a series of five-year development plans. These five-year plans may emphasize different sectors in line with economic growth rates. So if the development of agriculture as the primary concern in the first five-year plan turns out to be really successful, the main priority in the second Repelita will shift toward other sectors.
The five-year development plans will later be segmented into more detailed annual plans. These annual plans will cover: the physical plan, the financing plan and the plan for development policies. All of these plans, as a whole, should be reflected in the State Budget of Income and Expenditure (APBN). In this way the targets to be annually achieved will be clear and the priority of the state budget will be the implementation of the five-year development plan. With the situation ever changing as development proceeds, and with more information becoming available, adjustments and improvements of the five-year development plan can be introduced annually. In this way, the Repelita programme will be flexible in nature.
Introductory Note: In 1984 the Yomiuri Shimbun, one of Japan's leading dailies, invited me to deliver a keynote address at the 1984 Yomiuri Symposium on the International Economy. The keynote address was delivered on 17 May 1984 and published in the Daily Yomiuri of 18 May 1984. In the address I refered to the increasing perceptions in the world of the growing interdependence of the world economy which, however, are not translated into meaningful actions. I further encouraged Japan — which had the highest growth rate, the lowest unemployment rate and the lowest inflation rate among the industrial countries during the years of severe recession — to be more assertive in taking up new initiatives to respond to the economic crises facing the world.
The organizers of the 1984 Yomiuri Symposium on the International Economy are to be congratulated for their choice of the overall theme of this symposium: “Human Development in an Era of High Technology — Implications for an Interdependent World Economy”. This overall theme has been further divided into three sub-themes: (1) “Revitalizing the Economies of the Industrialized Nations”, (2) “Strengthening the Infrastructures of the Developing Economies”, (3) “Towards Human Development — North-South Interdependence”.
I am impressed by the emphasis given by the organizers on the human aspects of these problems. They believe that “human constraints” can be a serious or even disabling obstacle, which is to be overcome by “human development” — the development of the abilities of people in the widest sense of the word. In particular with respect to the topic on “North-South Interdependence” the organizers of this symposium stress the importance of overcoming human constraints, particularly the international perception gap existing among national leaders.
Indeed, a significant evolution has taken place in international perceptions concerning interdependence in the world economy. A number of years ago the interdependence between the North and the South, between the economies of the industrialized countries and the developing countries, was not yet widely recognized. The countries of the Third World were considered to be on the periphery or at the margin of the global economy and there was only a one-way relationship with the industrialized countries in the center.
At present there seems to be a growing awareness of the economic interdependence between the industrialized North and the developing South.
Introductory Note: When any change of administration occurs in a country, like that in our country in mid 1966, there will be a tendency to accrue new debts on top of old ones. The old debts are those incurred by the old administration whose repayment has yet to be fully settled. The settlement of these old debts is the responsibility of the new administration. If the new administration is in no position to assume this responsibility and does not consider the debts as its responsibility, the governments of other countries will be in no position to extend fresh loans to the new administration and will even sue it in their domestic courts or international courts of law. They can even seize the property of the new administration, such as aircraft and vessels that happen to be in other countries. Therefore, there is no alternative for the new administration but to acknowledge the debts of the old administration as theirs and try to find the best solution possible. It is the obligation of the new administration to find a way to solve the problems of old debts in the best possible manner, while avoiding the accrual of further debts burdens.
There are a number of questions about offshore loans. On this occasion, I find it in place to dwell on this problem.
In fact, our loans come in two types; past loans (those of the past administration) and the loans of the present administration. There is a line of demarcation here; that being 30 June 1966.
All loans, or all debts, incurred prior to 30 June 1966 are old debts and those incurred on 30 June 1966, or afterwards, are new debts or loans. Old debts, incurred prior to 30 June 1966, come in several types. Among them are the debts categorized as “debts incurred as compensation for nationalization”; these were incurred mostly in relation with the Dutch. In 1966, an agreement was reached with the Dutch government that the compensation for nationalization would be paid off within forty years.
Then there are other debts amounting to about $2.1 billion. Of this $2.1 billion, around $1.7 billion is the principal and $0.4 billion, the interest. This is just an approximation. The $2.1 billion in debts come from about thirty different countries, some small and some large.
Introductory Note: Devaluation is the official decreasing by the government of the value of a given country's currency against a foreign currency. If a currency's value decreases solely due to market forces and entirely without government intervention, the decline in a currency's value is called depreciation not devaluation. On 15 November 1978, the Government of Indonesia officially announced the devaluation of the Rupiah against the U.S. dollar from Rp415 per US$ to Rp625 per US$. The Rp415 rate had been in effect since 1971. Various explanations were given to the public about the policy. One way of conveying these explanations was through a television interview that took place on 22 November 1978. The interviewer was Drs. Sumadi, M.EC., a graduate in economics at an Australian university, who would later become the Director General for Radio, Television and Film, and then go on to serve as Indonesian Ambassador to Mexico, a post which also covered Cuba and Panama. The government prepared several anticipatory moves before making the decision. Two of the most important things involved were the sufficient stockpiling of foreign exchange reserves and food supply (rice) all across the country. Therefore after the devaluation announcement took place, every request for foreign exchange and/or food could immediately be fulfilled.
Sumadi: Good evening to you all. As we are all aware, on 15 November 1978, the government introduced a new policy in the economic and monetary fields, and since then there have been a multitude of reactions from the public. Therefore, I now invite you to observe a question and answer session with the Coordinating Minister for Economy, Finance and Industry, and Chairman of BAPPENAS, Bapak Prof. Dr Widjojo Nitisastro.
Pak Widjojo, even though the government has explained the policy that was announced on 15 November 1978, many parties in our society do not yet fully understand it or the reasons behind it. It's therefore timely for Pak Widjojo to re-emphasize the essence of the policies that were stipulated on 15 November.
Answer: Thank you, Pak Sumadi. On 15 November, the government put in place a new policy, which relates to foreign exchange. As we all understand, when we trade with another country, our currency, the rupiah must be converted into a foreign currency. That's why there is something called the exchange rate. For instance, previously one U.S. dollar equaled Rp415.
Introductory Note: A food crisis occurred in 1972. It was known as the “rice crisis” in Indonesia, a country where most of the population considers rice as the staple food. Rice prices jumped uncontrollably. Rice production had declined far below that of earlier years. It had been the policy of the government in previous years to handle price increases by selling its rice buffer stock to the public. At that time (1972), however, the rice stock was so limited that it could not cushion the impact of the soaring prices for rice in the markets. The problem was that there had been reports from senior agricultural and regional officials that the rice production was quite high; contrary to reports from the Central Statistics Agency, which said that the production was actually lower than in previous years. Because there were such great contrasts among the various reports, it was stressed, time and again, that the benchmark was to be the rice price level at any given harvest time. If the rice price at harvest time was higher than that of the year before, this would be considered an indication of lower production rates. So, what we used as a guideline was the rice price at harvest time and not the confusing paddy production forecast reports.
However, apparently certain senior officials at the agriculture ministry and in regional administrations were reluctant to report that the rice production in their areas was lower than in the years before. There was also another problem that worsened the government's buffer situation. That was the requirement for farmers to sell the higher quality rice or unhusked rice to the government, so it could be preserved longer. This caused the government's rice and unhusked procurement from the farmers to drop. To deal with the declining production, the government took various actions, all of which required time to implement. The impact of this time gap was exacerbated by continued confusion in the production reports and the stringent requirement on rice quality. After undertaking some fruitful policies, including importing rice on a large scale, the government then decided to convey a comprehensive explanation of the problem to the House of Representatives and the public. Eventually, the prices could be brought under control. The government's explanation was conveyed by the National Planning Agency (Bappenas) on 14 December 1972.
Introductory Note: In 1971, an international monetary upheaval prevailed. This monetary fluctuation involved the currencies of a number of industrialized countries. Tensions peaked on 15 August 1971, when the United States declared that it was no longer committed to the 1944 agreement with other industrialized countries on the determination of currency exchange rates (Bretton Woods Agreement).
Although this upheaval resulted most immediately in the fluctuation of the currency rates of industrialized countries, its impacts were also felt in developing countries. In the case of Indonesia, the changes in currency exchange rates between the U.S. and several European countries, as well as Japan, could be expected to bring a negative impact to Indonesian exports because those various countries were Indonesia's major export destinations. In order to be able to immediately take appropriate action, the government consistently monitored the latest developments in the world economy. Therefore, the government needed to take appropriate action immediately to prevent negative consequences. In matter of days, the government on 23 August 1971, announced that it would be taking several steps. In order to be able to take appropriate action, the government consistently monitored the latest developments in the world economy. In order to reduce confusion in media reporting and uncertainty in society, the government's timely announcement included an explanation that core economic elements (including the free flow of foreign exchange) remained unchanged.
Among the most vigilant in monitoring international monetary developments was Professor Dr Ali Wardhana, a Minister of Finance for fifteen years (1968–83) and Coordinating Minister for Economics, Finance and Industry for five years (1983–88). He was ever on the alert and always ready to take necessary action. At that time Indonesia was a member of Group 20, which gathered together ministers of finance for both industrial and developing countries. Professor Ali Wardhana was elected chairman of this group.
To deal with the impacts of international monetary volatility, the Government of Indonesia has taken a series of measures to safeguard Indonesia's export growth and simultaneously also safeguarding foreign exchange reserves for the financing of national development.
Since the international monetary crisis of May 1971, with the floating of the currency exchange rates of West Germany and the Netherlands, and the revaluation of some other European currencies, uncertainties have gripped the international monetary system, resulting in a decline in international trade.
Introductory Note: At the beginning of the 1960, the Indonesian economy was in a tragic state. The standards of living in society were very low and were undergoing setbacks from year to year. One of the main sources of this situation was the strong government opinion at the time that economic affairs were unimportant. There was also the firm notion in government circles at the time that economics was completely useless; it was even considered a cause of social degradation. There was a strong view among the public at that time that the science of economics was totally useless textbook thinking. Some even viewed this science as something that could harm the way of life of the people.
In 1962, I was appointed professor of economics at the School of Economics, University of Indonesia. As normally practiced by colleges in Indonesia, a new professor is expected to deliver an inaugural speech in the relevant discipline. The core of my inaugural lecture in 1963 was that the economy was important to public welfare and had to be built through planning. For this development planning, economic analysis was required. This statement was a stark contrast to the prevailing and dominant view among government officials and a certain section of the society.
We are all aware of the reality that mankind is currently undergoing a process of enormous change as a result of the progress of science and its applications, which directly affect all aspects of life. The human race has succeeded in making rapid advancements in an effort to better understand its natural surroundings and to better formulate the prevailing laws of nature, which human beings consciously utilize to improve their own existence. The human capacity to grasp the essence of natural laws and apply them is so great that today mankind stands at a crossroads: one leading to the end of human existence as a consequence of the destructive forces created by science, and the other potentially bringing the entire human race toward higher standards of living more suited to the dignity of mankind.
The latter alternative is still only a potential reality because the astonishing capacity of men to conquer nature has yet to be coupled with a corresponding ability to manage and control themselves as human beings.
Introductory Note: Throughout the 1980s, the world experienced dozens of dazzling economic phenomena. A difficult recession occurred in the early years of the decade. Afterwards, industrial countries enjoyed a rapid growth simultaneously for seven years. Then the worst stock market crash since 1929 struck. In 1985, the U.S. dollar depreciated sharply against the yen, mark and other currencies. This development, coupled with a sharp decline in oil prices, hit Indonesia's economy like a one-two punch. During the 1980s, the world had to cope with an environment of high real interest rates. Another important symptom was a U.S. balance of payments suffering from a budget and current account deficit. This led to a huge surplus in Japan and West Germany. Also in the 1980s, capital moved from developing countries to developed ones. This was the result of the huge amount of debts owed by the developing nations. The debt crisis troubled many economies in Latin America. In the Southern Sahara Desert in Africa, the level of people's welfare dropped considerably. In contrast, the economies of South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore grew swiftly. Another prominent economic phenomenon in that decade was the emergence of protectionism on the basis of a variety of excuses.
Now it is 1989, just months away from entering the 1990s. To help foresee economic developments in the next decade, it would be good to turn back the clock and observe what has happened to the world's economy in the 1980s. There were quite a few occurrences, but we will focus on the fifteen most prominent ones.
First, we still remember the exceptional recession in the early 1980s. That hard-hitting recession took place from 1980 to 1982. The recession was so grim that some called it a depression, just like the one occurring in the 1930s.
Second, after the recession, a recovery process began in the industrial countries. These countries recovered and enjoyed economic growth. Their economies have not only recovered, but have expanded substantially and continuously from 1983 until now, 1989. This has resulted in an economic growth spurt of seven straight years, which is a rarity in the history of the world's economy.
As we are all aware, the world's economy develops in cycles. There are downs and then ups, which are called recoveries. So the economy improves and grows.
Introductory Note: The improvement of family nutrition is a very important endeavor. In 1978, I gave a message to the working conference of the National Programme for Family Nutrition Improvement Efforts. Nutrition improvement efforts are activities that involve various sectors so that they should be undertaken through cross-sector cooperation, as is the case with the program for food production promotion, the programme for family planning and various other programmes.
It is important for the nutrition improvement efforts to benefit from previous experiences in multi-sector cooperation. I have described such multi-sector cooperation experiences here to serve as examples to be utilized by the nutrition improvement programme. Among the important instances cited are communication among the various central government agencies, among regional agencies, and between the central and regional agencies, and on the other hand information, reports or feedback from regions to the central government. Through the utilization of knowledge gained from these experiences in multi-sector cooperation in relation to various different activities, the nutrition improvement programme is expected to proceed smoothly.
Mr Chairman and distinguished participants of the national conference, first of all I would like to offer congratulations on the holding of the National Conference on Family Nutrition Improvement Efforts, a matter that we are all well aware is of major importance. This conference will hopefully provide important input for us in executing our respective duties.
Second, I wish to make it clear that I think there is probably not much I can convey to the participants of the national working conference this morning. Above all I believe that the conference participants are far more specialized than I am in the fields of diet, nutrition, health and other areas connected with nutrition, so that not much is left for me to contribute as thoughts to this meeting. Likewise, I believe this morning we all listened to the message of the President to this national working conference and the President's speech contains directives we need to observe. Therefore, as a contribution of ideas, I wish only to put forward a few things that may be relevant to this meeting today.
If I am not mistaken, this working conference will further discuss measures to strengthen the implementation of the national programme for Family Nutrition Improvement Efforts within the framework of a 1974 Presidential Instruction.
Introductory Note: Studying the attitude and habits of Bapak Sudharmono, S.H. in handling the various matters he faced over the years would be a good idea for those who are in charge of approving, rejecting or improving various kinds of proposals to build development projects; or of purchasing goods and/or equipment; or of hiring contractors; or of providing certain goods or services, etc.
The original heading of this article was “Is It Necessary?” a contribution in a book titled Impressions and Recollections from Friends — 70 Years H. Sudharmono S.H.
Bapak Sudharmono was the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia for the period of 1987–93. He had formerly held the post of Minister/State Secretary for many years, and he had earlier served in the government in various capacities for a very long time. He began his close cooperation with the state economic team in 1966.
The way Bapak Sudharmono worked was fruitful and brought huge benefits for the nation and the country and could be a model not only for the Indonesian people but also for the peoples of other nations, who are trying to develop their countries.
“Is it necessary?” That was always the first question Bapak Sudharmono raised when someone was proposing a project or operation of a grand scale. The manner and the way in which he formulated this question might have varied from time to time, but the essence was always the same.
The question posed in an inquiring tone often made the applicant uncertain about whether the project was really necessary after all.
However, if the applicant could explain why the project was necessary, another question would be sure to follow: “Do you think the high-cost is justified? Can you make it smaller?”
If the applicant came up with an answer to that, Pak Dharmono would then ask: “Do you really need it now? Is it that urgent? Isn't there another thing that is more urgent?”
If there was an answer to these inquiries, still another question would follow: “Can't you make the cost lower? Have you made a real effort to save money?”
And if all of the questions were met with reasonable answers, Bapak Sudharmono would call for a feasibility study, adding that: “I will ask experts to review the feasibility study. I will let you know the results later.”
As Indonesia entered the 1960s, its economy nosedived into an alarming exponential degradation. The cost of living index in Jakarta hit 100 per cent per year from 1962–64 before “shooting up” to 650 per cent from December 1964 to December 1965. The prices of daily necessities went up every day and Indonesia was trapped in spiral hyperinflation.
Building the nation
The main reason behind the hyperinflation was the uncontrollable increase of the volume of money driven by a deficit in the State Budget. There was a strong linkage between the increase in the deficit and the overflowing volume of money. Even if some 45 per cent of the total State Budget were to be channelled for military purposes, the impact on the economy in terms of increasing the flow of the volume of goods and services would not be that big. Its impact on boosting state revenue would be equally insignificant because most of the revenue would be spent on war preparation. The problem was the combination of the bulging revenue deficit, the allocation of revenue for unproductive purposes, and the rise of the volume of money. These things together had triggered the hyperinflation.
The trade and service balance of payments in the 1960s also showed an alarming rise in deficit. As exports and imports dropped, there was a need to repay our foreign debts. All of these things had nibbled into our foreign reserves which tumbled from US$326.4 million (1960) to US$8.6 million (1965).
Almost half of the total US$2.4 billion in foreign debts was spent by the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI), making it a power to be reckoned in terms of military equipment, weapons, fighter jets and warships, a leading edge for a developing country with a meager income. But this was unavoidable because the head of state had made a political decision to prepare for a war to win West Irian back into Indonesia's fold. Later, the “crust” Malaysia policy, was adopted. The war drums were then beaten even harder to fight the “Capitalist and Imperialist Blocks” in the then Cold War era.
In this “war economy” situation of the 1960s, emotions were fanned and patriotism whipped up. It was during this time that Sukarno embarked on nation and national character building, a process through which the minds of the people were infused with thoughts of nationhood and singular awareness of the motherland.
Introductory Note: Equitable distribution of wealth is such an important element of development that it is often said it is one of the goals of development. However, if this equity should not materialize, and become just a mere slogan, this would ruin our development efforts. Therefore, equity and all facets of equal justice on all levels for all people should become an inherent element or an inalienable factor in development. In other words, equity must be transformed into a programme or programmes inseparable from development. Failing this, equity will become a mere catchword and our development efforts will not succeed.
National development efforts put a great deal of emphasis on equity. This reflects the people's aspirations to uphold social justice.
The elements of equity in the Trilogy of Development are translated into eight programmes, known as the Eight Tracks to Equity, which comprise:
– equity in fulfilling basic needs. Because human needs are manifold, great emphasis is placed on three basic needs: food, clothing and housing.
– equity in opportunity to get education and health services. Hence, equity is not just a matter of the physical; it also covers the right to education and health.
– equity in income. Not in the sense of an equal amount of income, but of equity in income distribution.
– equity in employment opportunity. Employment is one of the fundamental issues in our national development.
– equity in business opportunity.
– equity in opportunities to participate in development, particularly for the younger generation and women.
– equity in the distribution of the development process throughout the country. Ours is a vast country. Equity in development is a must.
– equality before the law. This is a very important matter and should be transformed into a programme.
I repeat, the first equity programme is for the provision of basic needs, particularly food, clothing and housing; the second one is for education and health services; the third is for income distribution; the fourth is for employment opportunities, the fifth is for business opportunities, the sixth is for the opportunity to take part in development, particularly for the younger generation and women; the seventh is for development distribution throughout the country, the eighth is equity before the law.
Introductory Note: On 25 June 1975, I presented the Government's Explanation on the Pertamina crisis to the members of Commissions I, VI, VII, along with the State Budget, in a joint session of the House of Representatives.
The Pertamina crisis stems from measures taken by Pertamina that ran counter to the Law on Pertamina and other Government regulations; among these regulatory infringements were:
1. Undertaking huge construction projects outside of the Company's scope of duty;
2. Financing those projects by short-term foreign loans which it failed to repay;
3. Failure to submit to the Government taxes paid by foreign oil companies in the form of fossil oil;
4. Failure to pay the Company's own corporate taxes.
On top of the above infractions, there have been a number of other measures taken by Pertamina, whose purpose and motivation remain unclear, and which are currently under an in-depth and broad investigation at the time this explanation is being delivered to the Government; these include leasing and purchasing agreements for a great number of huge oil tankers.
The government has taken a great number of measures to resolve the Pertamina crisis. Among the lessons learned from this crisis are that stateowned companies should strictly abide by existing laws and regulations at all times, and that they have a duty to promptly submit comprehensive reports to the government.
To complement the account in Chapter 16 on the Government's Explanations on 25 June 1975, on the “Pertamina Issue”, the following three attachments have been placed at the end of this chapter:
Attachment I: Excerpts from Government Deliberation on the 1976/1977 State Budget at the House of Representatives delivered by the President of the Republic Indonesia on 7 January 1976. (page 315) Attachment II: Excerpts from State of the Nation Address by President of the Republic Indonesia Soeharto at the House of Representatives on 16 August 1977. (page 320)
Attachment III: Excerpts from Chapter 44 “Resolving Pertamina Crisis” from the book titled: Pikiran, Ucapan dan Tindakan Saya (My Thoughts, Words and Deeds), an autobiography by Soeharto as told to G. Dwipayana and Ramadhan K.H. (pages 304 to 306). Publisher P.T. Citra Lamtoro Gung Persada, Jakarta 1989. (page 322)
Introductory Note: The University of California at Berkeley invited me to give a presentation at The Walter and Phyllis Shorenstein Symposium on Economic Challenges in the Pacific-Asian Region in San Francisco on 28 March 1990. In my presentation I reviewed a number of critical challenges to Indonesia's development: the rapid-albeit declining-population growth on a relatively small island; the immense challenge of debt management to keep away from a debt crisis in the face of exchange rate volatility of major world currencies; continuous and consistent economic reforms, policy adjustments and restructuring; sustained progress in poverty alleviation; and preventing further environmental degradation. I also mentioned a number of other challenges: maintaining food self-sufficiency; human resource development; securing employment opportunities for a labor force growing at 2.3 million annually; reconciling the rapid growth of large enterprises with the country's ideals of equity and social justice; a purposeful government able to provide a sense of direction to the development process but also able to discard outdated regulatory functions and to encourage participatory development at the grassroot level.
Let me start with an update of some statistics on Indonesia, most of which are certainly quite familiar. The total population of Indonesia in 1990 is about 182 million, out of which 110 million live on Java. Indonesia has the third largest population in Asia and the fifth largest in the world, after China, India, the United States and the Soviet Union.
The vigorous implementation of the family planning programme has brought about a demographic transition: Total fertility rate declined from 5.6 children in 1970 to 3.4 children at present, while the crude birth rate came down from 43 in 1970 to 28 births per 1000 persons. Meanwhile mortality rates have also declined substantially: Infant mortality rate decreased from 124 in 1970 to 58 infants per 1000 live births, while the crude death rate came down from 19 in 1970 to 8 deaths per 1000 persons.
As a result of the demographic transition the rate of population growth has decreased from 2.5 per cent in 1970 to just below 2 per cent per year. For Java the growth rate is about 1.5 per cent and for the other Indonesian islands 2.4 per cent. A significant feature of the decrease in population growth is the fact that it was achieved during a period of very rapid declining mortality.