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Anxiety is characterized by distress or uneasiness regarding danger, real or perceived, or concern about an upcoming stressful event. According to a classic theory proposed by Alpert and Haber (1960), anxiety is often facilitative and helpful. It can lead to trying harder at a pursuit in which one wants to do well. Anxiety can also serve a protective function by steering children and adults away from situations in which they will experience danger or so much failure and disappointment that they will lose enthusiasm for whatever endeavor is involved. Anxiety becomes debilitative when it begins to interfere with successful functioning in family, school and work settings. Indeed, fears are a very integral and usually constructive part of the normal development of children. It is useful to conceptualize fear or panic as pertaining primarily to an imminent threat or danger, whereas anxiety refers to worrying about a real, imagined or exaggerated threat that will occur in the future (Craske, 1999). Throughout childhood, children worry about getting sick, failing in school and looking foolish (e.g., Ollendick, Matson and Helsel, 1985). This makes it difficult to notice that some children experience anxiety on a chronic basis at levels well above the norm for their ages. In fact, problematic anxiety is very common among children and adolescents. However, anxious children and adolescents, who rarely disrupt the routines of families and schools, often remain unnoticed. Even the mental health community has only developed awareness of the extent of the anxiety problems of young people in the past 30 years or so. Although some anxiety problems begin in early childhood, anxiety disorders at that stage are only beginning to receive the attention of researchers and practitioners. Conditions that interfere substantially with the daily lives of school-age children and adolescents remain relatively understudied compared to other psychological problems that are very prevalent in the population at large.
Classification, compassion and science: a historical perspective
Throughout most of history, psychological problems were not differentiated in any way. All individuals suffering from “idiocy” and “lunacy,” as the combined condition was known in seventeenth-century Britain, were lumped together to be scorned and ridiculed. Some of the madhouses of the time had separate sections for the “mad” and the “foolish.” Showing more insight and sympathy than most of their contemporaries, some writers from ancient Greeks through Shakespeare portrayed “fools” as displaying keen insight that was expressed in a confusing but highly perceptive manner (Andrews, 1998). Such undifferentiated concepts of mental illness did not die as recently as is sometimes thought: The US census of 1840, in one of the earliest attempts to determine the prevalence of mental illness, included only a single category “idiocy/insanity,” which was only replaced 40 years later with seven types of mental disorder (Mash and Barkley, 2002).
Whatever the limitations of the medical model that is at the core of much contemporary practice in the mental health professions, this way of looking at psychological disorder, with the image of being sick that comes with it, is undoubtedly more benevolent than the previous image of being simultaneously deranged and dimwitted. The term “medical model” has surely been defined more frequently and probably more clearly by its critics than by its proponents. However, it is fair to say that its assumptions include, first of all, that mental disorders and distress function in much the same way as physical diseases. Hence, once the exact disease has been identified from among those that are known, the condition needs to be treated in a more or less standard way that is prescribed by qualified professional experts (these features are delineated in somewhat disparaging language by McCready, 1986).
Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a severe and long-lasting reaction to a traumatic event that involves intense fear, horror and feelings of hopelessness (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Common traumata vary considerably, including war, sexual abuse, physical abuse and natural disasters such as earthquakes, floods and tidal waves. Such traumatic experiences are, unfortunately, very common: It is estimated that one child in four experiences a significant traumatic event before reaching the adult years (Costello et al., 2002). Many children who live through a traumatic event will show some symptoms of PTSD immediately after the event (Aaron, Zaglul and Emery, 1999). Indeed, it would probably be abnormal for them not to react. Moderate psychological distress shortly after the trauma can thus be considered normal (Cohen, D. et al., 2010). However, on the average, about 30 percent of sufferers continue to have symptoms of PTSD one month after the traumatic event (Kessler et al., 1995; Cohen, D. et al., 2010).
Mental health professionals were as slow to recognize the clinical significance of PTSD in childhood and adolescence as they were to acknowledge the extent and severity of anxiety disorders. Awareness increased largely as the result of widespread knowledge of several important historical events that affected children that were brought to public attention by authors, journalists and photojournalists. This chapter begins with a section on the slow process leading to the recognition of PTSD as a real and serious problem for children and adolescents. Information on diagnostic criteria follows. The section on prevalence includes information about the factors that have been found to differentiate children and youth who are most and least likely to develop PTSD after a potentially traumatic incident. The section on causes and correlates is devoted primarily to biological processes that are thought to influence individual reactions to traumatic events. The chapter closes with a section on treatment.
Do as many children and adolescents of the Yoruba tribe in Nigeria get depressed as do children and adolescents in Norwegian fishing villages or members of street gangs in São Paulo, Brazil? If they do, are the features of their depressive episodes the same? Even if they are, can their depression be treated effectively by psychologists in essentially the same ways? Culture is so present in the thinking, feeling and behavior of individuals everywhere that its influence must be understood thoroughly when the causes, manifestations and treatment of psychopathology are contemplated (e.g., Hallowell, 1934).
In addition to the contact among cultures brought about by immigration, the influence of Western culture on non-Western parts of the world is also increasing because of the globalization of knowledge transmission in the sciences. Lambasting the ubiquitous Americanization of thinking about mental health around the world, Watters (2010) maintains that the wanton exportation of American thinking about mental disorder has resulted in the erosion of indigenous wisdom about psychological distress in other societies. Consequently, Western classification systems are applied to populations to which they may be inapplicable. Watters insists that non-Western people in some cases are actually beginning to suffer in ways that are being imported along with Western teachings about psychopathology.
This chapter provides a historical introduction to most of the major theories that have influenced and still influence both theory and practice. Like most historical accounts, this chapter is organized in roughly chronological order as far as possible. However, so much of the intellectual history in this area began in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that many important developments occurred almost simultaneously at that time. One important insight to be gained from this historical journey is that ideas about children and their psychological difficulties do not develop in a vacuum. As will become apparent, theories of psychopathology are influenced by the intellectual, social and political climates of the eras in which they emerge.
Children’s symptoms as an economic burden to their families
Most scholars who attempt to trace the historical roots of the study of child psychopathology are struck by what they see as the indifference of adults during most of the years of recorded history to children’s psychological difficulties (e.g., Kanner, 1962). Indeed, there is relatively little reference in literature or folklore, medical or theological writings about the subject before the nineteenth century. This indifference is not really surprising given the fundamental differences between the implications of mental illness in childhood and adulthood. Regardless of the historical period, adult psychopathology is more likely to cause economic hardship than child psychopathology (Ries, 1971, cited by Gelfand and Peterson, 1985). That the economic burden of psychopathology would be a prominent concern may be shocking to the contemporary reader, who is probably privileged to live in the relatively recent historical period in which children and their special needs are known and when child labor is no longer common in the Western countries though it unfortunately persists in some parts of the world.
Now that a high-value business opportunity has been identified by working through the opportunity identification segment of the Entrepreneurial Arch, it is time to enter the design phase. The business design segment of the Entrepreneurial Arch, Figure 3.1 below, is the segment in which your business will be framed (designed). The axiom for product development is “design–build–test.” This approach creates a natural feedback loop in which designs are built, tested, and then redesigned based on testing results. Products that are complex and expensive to build are generally tested, via computer simulations, before construction begins. The designs are updated after the testing portion. This is not to say that, after the product is eventually built, there are not re-adjustments to the design; there are. The approach does succeed in accelerating learning and translates to faster product development.
The purpose of the Entrepreneurial Arch is to accelerate learning and thereby accelerate the development of viable new firms or new lines of business within large firms. To do this, companies should follow a mantra slightly modified from that of product development: Design–test–build. The goal is to “get to plan B” before ever launching a flawed “Plan A.” That certainly does not mean that there will not be adjustments to the plan once the company is launched; of course there will be. As German military strategist Helmuth von Moltke (1800–1891) is paraphrased as saying, “No battle plan survives contact with the enemy.” It is not a question, therefore, of whether your business will change as you progress across the Arch – it will – the only question relates to the degree of that change. The goal is to make substantial changes during the design stage and smaller refinements once you have launched.
In the psychology department where I have taught for the past 32 years, I am regarded as one of the more research-oriented of the clinical-psychology professors and one of the most clinically oriented of the researchers. Although the commitment to bridge research and practice is strong in North America, tension between the two pillars of clinical psychology emerges all too often. Such tension is often much greater in the countries where I have collaborated and worked around the world. My need to resolve as much of this tension as possible for the students I teach and for my overseas colleagues was the primary impetus for this book. My course on child psychopathology has always been among my favorites. However, I have never found a textbook that bridges research and practice very well or one that my students enjoy reading. I have endeavored to provide such a resource by writing this volume. Let me mention some of its distinctive features.
Consistency of writing style. I want to tell the story from the beginning to the end in a coherent way. Therefore, I have been actively involved in writing all the chapters. Except for a few for which I needed the expertise of co-authors in areas that are outside my main fields of competence, I have written them all.
This chapter is devoted to conditions characterized by the violation of social norms and the disruption of orderly routines. The clinical diagnosis of disruptive behavior disorder evokes what has sometimes been seen as confusion between being bad and being sick. For instance, Heydon (2008) argues strongly for the “de-pathologizing” of behavior problems because considering them a disorder inevitably leads to blaming the child and his or her parents, absolving the community, school and society.
Beginning with this chapter, the chapters devoted to specific disorders are organized in similar sequence. This chapter begins with the important distinction between disruptive behavior disorders that are evident during childhood and those that first appear during adolescence; many experts consider these two separate disorders. The diagnostic criteria specified in the new DSM-5 and in the ICD are presented next. Considerable space is devoted to the possible causes of disruptive behavior disorders (including physiological, family, peer, media and neighborhood influences) and to the ways in which disruptive behavior disorders affect the functioning and well-being of children and adolescents. Information about the stability of disruptive behavior disorders and the prospects of recovery appear next. The chapter concludes with a descriptive summary of the major known treatments for disruptive behavior disorders and the evidence for their effectiveness.
Psychotherapy with children may or may not be conducted in a manner that resembles the widespread stereotype in which a person seeing a psychotherapist “opens up,” reveals their feelings and inner conflicts and receives support from the therapist and insight about the causes of their difficulties. Many but certainly not all children have the capacity to undergo such a process, which of course depends on having the vocabulary needed to describe one’s inner emotional life and to understand and make use of the therapist’s input.
This chapter provides a global overview of psychological interventions in common use with children and adolescents. More information about the interventions used in the treatment of specific disorders appears in subsequent chapters. The chapter begins with an introduction to the major theories of psychotherapy. It continues with deliberation about the applicability of these approaches to the childhood and adolescent stages. Axline’s non-directive play therapy is then introduced as a case example of a technique with an important place in the history of child psychopathology, followed by a section on contemporary evidence-based practice. The chapter continues with a section on the research basis of child and adolescent psychotherapy. The tool of meta-analysis is introduced at that point. The chapter concludes with some remarks about the emerging field of cybertherapy.
This chapter marks the passage from the left-hand section of the Arch, the section in which you discovered a potentially viable business, to the right-hand section, in which you execute that business (Figure 5.1). A plan describing how this business will be executed is the first step toward its realization.
At the end of the business assessment segment of the Entrepreneurial Arch, you now have a business model. It is specific. It articulates the offering, the firm’s actions that create the offering, and the specific customer that will purchase the offering. It also articulates the key collaborators in the creation and distribution of the offering to these customers. You also have a complete monetization model, which includes a value proposition for both your customers and your collaborators, in addition to a complete financial feasibility analysis. Despite its detail, a business model remains an architectural-level view of the business (Leung, 2007). It tells you what the business intends to do; it does not tell you how this will be done. The operational plan is the how. It is the building construction plan of attack. The business model plus the business’s strategy plus the business’s proposed tactics provide the operating plan for your business. The first step in operationalizing that business is to create an executable plan.
No other childhood disorder is as controversial as is Attention Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD). Some consider this condition an epidemic that is responsible for the underachievement at school and at work of a substantial segment of the population, whereas others regard it as a fabrication of the pharmaceutical industry. The “epidemic” is sometimes attributed to a mismatch between society’s demands for focused attention and what some see as the inherent tendency of many children, especially boys, to wander and explore.
The first published medical report of attention deficit with hyperactivity did not appear until the beginning of the twentieth century. However, a poem written by German physician Heinrich Hoffman in 1844 appears to have been part of the collective memory of several generations of members of the medical profession from that point on (Thome and Jacobs, 2004):
Successful businesses capture a significant share of the value their firms create. Clearly you must create value in the marketplace, but though a necessary criterion it is insufficient. What new entrepreneurs often fail to realize is that their business can fail while providing goods for an exceptionally attractive market if the business is not able to capture any of the value created.
Your organization’s ability to capture value is dictated by the relative robustness of your capabilities. In judging the outcome of any competitive sporting event, it is not enough to evaluate the talent of your team; rather, that talent must be evaluated in comparison with that of your opponent. No organization is an island. It takes an industry to serve a customer. You will need capabilities outside your firm to create and deliver your solution to your customer. Your capabilities relative to those in the ecosystem that you need to leverage will determine your organization’s share of that created value. David Teece, in his seminal paper, discussed the ability of firms to capture value from their intellectual property (Teece, 1986). The positioning for value capture (PVC) framework, Figure A1, broadens that work beyond intellectual assets to include the firm’s entire capability set.
There are two scientific reasons learning problems are considered mental health disorders. One reason is that learning disabilities probably share with many other forms of mental illness an underlying neurobiological basis. Another reason is that learning problems are linked with other forms of psychopathology such as attention deficit, depression and anxiety, and disruptive behavior disorders. When learning problems and other forms of psychopathology co-occur, the learning problems often exacerbate behavioral and emotional difficulties. At the same time, the behavioral and emotional difficulties make it harder for teachers to help with the learning problems.
This chapter begins with a short section on basic terminology. In the section that follows, several case examples from literary sources illustrate the interplay of learning and social/emotional problems. Diagnostic categories are then presented, followed by information about the prevalence. Cultural and gender issues are discussed as moderators of the prevalence rates. Possible causes are considered next, with emphasis on the neuropsychology that is thought to be at the root of learning disabilities. After a discussion of the family bases of learning disorder and peer factors, the final section of the chapter is devoted to treatment issues, with emphasis on the role of the psychologist. The assessment and remediation of academic skills per se are beyond the scope of this book. The reader is referred to textbooks oriented to the school-based professional, such as Learning Disabilities: Characteristics, Identification and Teaching Strategies (sixth edition, Bender, 2008).
More mental illness than mental health professionals can manage
Compared to progress in the treatment of psychopathology that has already appeared, the psychology profession has lagged in developing effective prevention strategies. Serious consideration of prevention strategies in their own right did not begin until the 1960s, and this early attempt failed to make a considerable impact (Duncan, 1994; Hage and Romano, 2010). In the past half-century, however, prevention has begun to be taken seriously. The term prevention science has emerged to reflect an empirical perspective. In the area of child psychopathology, prevention initiatives are particularly important, first of all, because children who experience mental illness are more likely than others to experience mental illness in adulthood (Pine et al., 2010). Furthermore, many of the psychological resources that protect against mental illness are developed in childhood, making this period especially critical (Serna et al., 2003). Lastly, experiencing mental illness as a child costs the individual the enjoyment of his or her childhood. This alone is enough reason to consider prevention initiatives against childhood psychopathology.
This chapter begins with definitional issues, focusing on the thorny distinction between prevention and treatment. The important differences between universal prevention programs, that is, those addressed at entire populations or communities, and indicated programs, that is, programs intended for individuals who already show some signs of psychological distress, are considered next. The subsequent section is devoted to reasons for involving the community in the basic design of interventions, not just their delivery. A history of preventive mental health in North America and Europe appears next. The subsequent section is devoted to methodological issues in the evaluation of prevention programs. Guidelines for the successful implementation of prevention programs appear next, followed by several examples of successful prevention programs.