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We spend an enormous number of our waking hours thinking and talking about our thoughts, emotions, and experiences. For example, we wonder: Why did the waiter give me that unusual smile? Did my co-worker see me stealing those office supplies? How can I deflect my unwanted admirer's attention – or attract the attention of someone else? In trying to answer such questions, and in interpreting one another's behavior more generally, we make use of a vast body of lore about how people perceive, reason, desire, feel, and so on. So we say such things as: the waiter is smiling obsequiously because he hopes I will give him a larger tip; my co-worker does know, but he won't tell anyone, because he's afraid I’ll reveal his gambling problem; and so on. Formulating such explanations is part of what enables us to survive in a shared social environment.
This everyday understanding of our minds, and those of others, is referred to as “folk psychology.” The term is usually taken as picking out our ability to attribute psychological states and to use those attributions for a variety of practical ends, including prediction, explanation, manipulation, and deception. It encompasses our ability to verbally produce accounts couched in the everyday psychological vocabulary with which most of us are conversant: the language of beliefs, desires, intentions, fears, hopes, and so on. Such accounts are the stuff of which novels and gossip are made. Although our best evidence for what people think is often what they say, much of our capacity to read the thoughts of others may also be nonverbal, involving the ability to tell moods and intentions immediately by various bodily cues – an ability we may not be conscious that we have.
Our topic here is psychology, the self-styled science of the mind. Psychology's aim is to explain mental phenomena by describing the underlying processes, systems, and mechanisms that give rise to them. These hidden causal levers underlie all of our mental feats, including our richest conscious perceptions, our most subtle chains of reasoning, and our widest-ranging plans and actions. Although the phenomena of mind are intimately related to events occurring in the brain, these psychological explanations are, we will argue, distinct and autonomous relative to explanations in terms of neural processes and mechanisms. According to the view we present here, psychology and neuroscience are different enterprises. We certainly wouldn't claim that our ever-increasing understanding of how the brain works has nothing to say to psychology: on the contrary, they are complementary, because neuroscience can provide invaluable input to psychological theorizing (and vice versa, a point that we think is not stressed often enough). But our task will be to give a thorough account of the scope, methods, content, and prospects for a distinctive science of our mental lives.
This book is intended for students in philosophy, psychology, and the more cognitively oriented branches of neuroscience, as well as for readers who are merely curious about what these fields might have to contribute to our understanding of the mind. However, we hope that our professional colleagues will also find much to engage with here. So we’ve done our best to produce a book that holds interest on all levels – for undergraduates, graduates, and researchers alike. We have tried not to presuppose any significant background in any of the sciences that we discuss, and we hope that this book will serve as a useful companion for many of those pursuing the interdisciplinary study of cognition.
Engagement with the text in this chapter will enable readers to do the following:
understand the kinds of ecological factors (social, structural, political, economic, cultural, community, family and school) that influence learning and provide specific examples of these
reflect on the nature of physical, cognitive, intrapersonal, interpersonal and cultural diversity and compare the types of developmental differences that can occur between learners
analyse how specific aspects of development support and hinder learning
Big ideas
Each learner brings a complex combination of abilities, strengths and potential to the school setting, embedded within particular cultural, linguistic, emotional, spiritual and familial contexts. Many factors can support or hinder learning. Influences on student learning can be found both within and outside the individual learner.
Each educational setting and classroom creates its own context and operates using a set of embedded expectations. Effective teachers understand and manage classroom diversity to create equitable learning opportunities for all students.
All learners can experience periods of learning difficulty due to different developmental rates, health, home resources, family (whānau) stressors and relationships as well as mismatches between teaching and learning needs. These influence the key learning processes, which can be summed up in the acronym ATRiUM.
Students experiencing significant difficulties in learning and behaviour in the classroom may have complex disabilities or learning difficulties. Specific impairments (for example, auditory, visual, physical or intellectual, or those brought about through chronic illness or brain injury) generate the need for particular long-term adaptations to allow equity of access to learning opportunities.
Teachers and families (whānau) need to develop a shared understanding of each learner’s strengths and learning needs without creating limitations or barriers to learning based on labels, language or assumptions. Teachers must make sense of what supports and what hinders learning for individual learners in order to effectively personalise teaching and differentiate instruction for their students.
Comparative cognition is a highly interdisciplinary field that arose from a synthesis of evolutionary biology and experimental psychology. In its modern form, researchers from a variety of scientific backgrounds (e.g. neuroscience, behavioral ecology, cognitive and developmental psychology) come together with the common goal of understanding the mechanisms and functions of cognition. Over the past 10 years, we have taught both undergraduate and graduate courses that covered the subject matter of comparative cognition, although frequently in a course of another name. Like many instructors, we put together course material that included scientific articles, chapters in other textbooks, and our own writings as an attempt to represent the evolving field of comparative cognition. This was not ideal as the presentation of material from different sources is uneven, and undergraduate students often have difficulty conceptualizing the fundamentals of a discipline without the framework provided by a solid textbook. We realized that our experience was not unique when we spoke to colleagues teaching similar courses at other universities.
Our textbook provides an introduction to the field of comparative cognition. It begins with an historical view of the field, emphasizing the synergy of different disciplines, both in terms of theoretical foundations and methodological tools. This lays the groundwork for later chapters in which controlled laboratory studies are presented alongside comparative studies in the natural environment. The first half of the text covers topics that reflect the influence of behavioral psychology on comparative cognition. This material, therefore, overlaps with traditional animal learning texts. The distinguishing feature of our text is an increased emphasis on the evolutionary function and underlying neural mechanisms of cognition. In addition, issues that are central to cognitive psychology (e.g. attention, episodic memory, and cognitive maps) are interwoven throughout these chapters. The second half of the book focuses on what are often described as ‘higher cognitive processes,’ describing recent research on topics such as tool use and causal reasoning, imitation, and functionally referential communication.
Consciousness and attention are two of the most vexing, hard-to-define aspects of mentality. No wonder, then, that even the most brilliant and articulate theorists, such as William James, are reduced to merely gesturing at them, or to seeming platitudes (“Every one knows what attention is”). Our everyday language for describing experience seems impoverished compared to the richness and dynamic pulse of the thing itself. Thoughts and intentions, daydreams and vivid bursts of emotion, coils and snippets of language, sights, aches, and the whole of the sensory world: these conscious experiences are always simply there, like a constant buzz. Take them away and, as Descartes astutely observed, it is hard to see what would be left of our minds as we know them.
Attention, by contrast, is not merely there, but also there for us. It can be commanded, albeit sometimes unwillingly. Notice the shape of someone's hand. Now, without shifting your gaze, notice its color and the texture of their skin. Notice the web of tiny lines, the fine hairs, any nicks or scars. Focus on just one of them. We have no trouble focusing our attention in these ways. In doing so, the character of our conscious experience shifts also. Of course, attention can also be dragged away against our will, by the intrusive ping of a text message or a nagging itch. When this happens, our train of conscious thought is disrupted and the source of our distraction takes center stage. Here we chronicle some contemporary ways of modeling attention and explore the possibility that these links between attention and consciousness are no coincidence but rather evidence for a deep theoretical connection between the two. In this way, perhaps two elusive mental phenomena can be grasped at once.
The term “folk psychology” was coined by philosophers to refer to the everyday capacities we have for predicting and explaining each other's behavior, as well as understanding each another as conscious, thinking, social beings. These capacities are also known as “commonsense psychology,” “mindreading,” or “everyday mentalizing.” The term “folk,” although it has a somewhat patronizing air, just refers to those of us who attempt to navigate the social world without appeal to the institutional apparatus of scientific psychology. At a minimum, folk psychology involves seeing others as having minds and attributing particular mental states and processes to them. Those that lack this capacity are said to be “mindblind”: they may interpret the world as containing animate, biological creatures, but they do not understand these creatures’ behaviors as actions driven by reasons, where reasons can include their perceptions, motives, and beliefs (Baron-Cohen, 1995). They may not even see the world as populated by persons who have inner lives of their own.
That we have such folk psychological skills from an early age is clear. However, folk psychology is not a transparent instrument. It cannot reliably be turned on itself to reveal its own inner workings. Although we often develop elaborate opinions about the operations of our own minds, they have at most prima facie standing as far as their accuracy is concerned. Our everyday perspective does not settle the question of how folk psychology itself operates: what sort of ability it is, what knowledge it draws on, and how it is situated vis-à-vis other cognitive systems. We turn now to some attempts to address these questions.
Minds, like living creatures, are born, grow, and change. Developmental psychology aims to describe these processes of change, and to characterize what the initial state of the mind is and how it gets from that initial state to its relatively stable and enduring mature form. The task for developmental psychology is to understand the factors that produce the normal initial state of the mind, and that take it from that initial state to its mature state, in much the way that developmental biology considers how new organisms are produced (e.g., as zygotes) and develop from embryos to reproductively mature adults.
In biology, early thinking about the origins of form involved preformationism, the doctrine that the form of a new organism somehow already existed, complete and entire, before its coming into material existence as an autonomous being. Where else could the form of a new, complete human being come from except from a tinier version of the same form, presumed to be curled up inside the parent cell, waiting until it could grow and be nourished in the womb? The theory, of course, only pushes the explanatory question back a step, since it fails as an ultimate explanation for the origins of biological form. This illustrates a common explanatory strategy: if there is no other plausible explanation for the existence of a certain form that appeals to known principles of assembly, then that form must not have been assembled at all. It must have already been present but hidden, just waiting for the right conditions to emerge.
Engagement with the text in this chapter will enable readers to do the following:
know how to facilitate effective transitions between home and school for all students, and especially for students with disabilities and learning difficulties
consider how action research underpins learning that lasts for teachers
constructively critique the model of professional learning described
analyse and add to the strategies presented for addressing learning difficulties
access information about assistive technologies available to support students with disabilities and learning difficulties
Big ideas
Learning that lasts is meaningful, intentional and future directed.
Future-directed learning is focused on transitions to educational settings, between educational settings and from school to work.
Action research cycles grow out of the RTF and can guide professional practice to foster teacher learning that lasts.
A promising model of professional development involves exploring how different professionals create connections and how artefacts from one community are introduced into another.
Literacy, numeracy and ICT competencies provide a foundation for lifelong learning.
Individual, context and technology factors must be considered when matching individuals with assistive technology.
Introduction
Learning that lasts is learning that underpins lifelong development and active engagement in society. It dynamically embodies the ATRiUM capabilities in the independent and social activities of living. Specifically, it is learning stemming from the application of individuals’ capabilities in current and new learning situations. Active learners apply their thinking skills, practise self-regulation and self-management skills and develop and maintain positive attitudes to learning throughout their lives. They also initiate their own learning opportunities and use flexible problem-solving strategies in response to novel situations.
So far we have been looking at the mind from the perspective of traditional cognitive science. In this chapter we discuss a set of new and purportedly revolutionary approaches to cognition that have been gathering force in the past decade or so. These approaches go under the headings of Embedded, Embodied, Enactive, and Extended Cognition. These “four E's” propose a radical re-examination of how cognition should be modeled by the sciences, and they encourage a metaphysical shift in our view of what cognition itself is. These views raise a fundamental challenge concerning the very nature of how cognitive processes are distinguished from noncognitive ones. An upshot of these discussions will be to highlight the need for the cognitive sciences to settle a major foundational question, namely what makes something a cognitive system in the first place – that is, what the “mark of the cognitive” might be.
Very briefly, the four E's are as follows:
Embedded cognition is the view that minds arise for the online solving of cognitive tasks in time-dependent situations, and minds should be studied in light of this situatedness.
Enactivism is the idea that minds are for action. Cognition should not be conceived of or studied independently of action, or as a process that takes place in the brain and exists independently of action. Rather, minds should be conceived of as existing “in” the acting or arising from the acting. Minds don't cause action so much as minds are enacted in the unfolding of our behavioral engagements with the world. Thinking isn't a cause of doing, it is a kind of doing on this view. Because enactivist views have largely been defended in the context of theories of perception, we will defer our discussion of them until Chapter 6 (Section 6.6).
Embodied cognition is the idea that thinking doesn't take place sandwiched between perceptual inputs and motor outputs. Rather, cognition takes place all across the sensory-motor divide in the brain. In fact, on the embodied view, cognition can take place within parts of the body outside the brain. Embodied approaches reject a functionalist vision of the mind that permits the possibility of minds like ours existing independently of bodies like ours. Minds like ours are metaphysically dependent on our kind of bodies.
Psychology deals with mental phenomena, but these phenomena are intimately related to events in the body and brain. From the inside out, desires lead to plans, which result in intentions, which lead to actions. From the outside in, the environment impinges on us, producing perceptual episodes that lead us to update our beliefs and other models of what is going on in the world. All of these activities, from perception through belief updating, planning, and acting, involve continuous changes to underlying bodily and neural states. How should we understand the relation between these psychological and physical states? This is the mind–body problem as it has traditionally been understood by philosophers. It is the general metaphysical problem of explaining how psychological phenomena are related to physical, biological, and neurophysiological ones.
There are many possible philosophical stances on the mind–body relation, far too many for us to survey here. By far the greatest divide has historically been between dualists, who hold that the world contains two fundamentally distinct kinds of entities, the mental and the physical; and monists, who think that the world is fundamentally one type of thing through and through. Since at least the early twentieth century, dualism in most of its forms has been out of favor, paving the way for the rise of a thoroughgoing materialist or physicalist worldview. The demise of dualism has corresponded roughly with the increasing explanatory scope of the sciences. The more phenomena can be explained in physical and biological terms, the less need there is to posit special, nonphysical substances and properties. There gradually come to be fewer and fewer “gaps” in our understanding where dualistic explanations could carve out a distinctive role for themselves. But rejecting dualism only puts us on the side of some sort of monism. It does not tell us how we should understand the mind–body relation. For this, we need a positive theory.