We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account, please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account. Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.
The Constitution of Japan has been the focus of controversial ideological battles throughout the postwar era. This chapter traces the protracted and often-heated debates and discussions over potential amendments to Japan's constitution among elites, against the backdrop of historical change. The focus of these debates has traditionally been on Article 9 and national defense. In contrast, this chapter also examines the discussions surrounding the Imperial system, fundamental human rights and institutions of the Japanese state. These debates and the amendment proposals put forth by mostly center-right elites reflect changes in socio-economic conditions and intellectual debates from the 1950s to the present.
Introduction: Constitution and conservatism
May 3, 2022 marked the 75th anniversary of the Constitution of Japan (CoJ) coming into effect. The CoJ has been a remarkable document in a number of ways. First, it has—quite literally—stood the test of time, for better or worse, remaining character for character, the very same document that became postwar Japan's supreme law in 1947. This is no small feat, considering that conservative elites have for decades tried and failed to amend what many of them regard as a naïve, idealistic and outdated constitution with a highly questionable legitimacy. To students and teachers of Japanese politics and history, the CoJ's endurance may seem quite natural given the political realities of postwar Japan; yet, a brief look abroad reveals how unique the CoJ is. The Comparative Constitutions Project (CCP) is the most comprehensive database of historic and active constitutions available today. Studying this large body of data highlights one simple fact: constitutions that are not amended do not last long. In fact, they are replaced within a matter of three years on average. The CoJ's extraordinary longevity is due not merely to relatively strong public support and progressive resistance against attempts to revise the supreme law, but also to its contents. While often accused of only seeking to weaken Japan by destroying the links to its proud past, the American authors of the draft which served as the basis of what would become the CoJ, were conscious of the fact that they were not “we, the Japanese people,” but the occupiers of said people.
The effects of the 1990s reforms to the electoral system of Japan's House of Representatives have been among the most frequently discussed topics in political science research on the country. These reforms saw the replacement of a hitherto single nontransferable vote (SNTV) system by a mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) system with a strong Single Member District (SMD) and a weaker Proportional Representation (PR) component. Many studies have suggested that the reforms may have had significant impact on the strategies of political parties. Generally, SMD systems have been widely thought to favor larger parties, while PR systems are more beneficial to small and medium-sized parties. On the content side, larger parties seeking control of the government would try to win the support of large numbers of floating voters by campaigning on universal/programmatic policy appeals, as opposed to particularistic interests. In contrast, smaller parties would cater towards their core supporters’ preferences. Previous studies have noted that the old SNTV system in Japan had produced results similar to PR systems (Reed 2003). Japan's electoral reform may have thus changed the strategy of large parties, which would need to win more seats in the SMDs to gain (or hold onto) power, while smaller parties have continued to try and win seats via the PR tier. Therefore, the reform provides valuable research material in so far as we can simultaneously observe different effects by the SMD and the PR systems on parties of different sizes.
In many countries, constitutional amendments require the direct approval of voters, but the consequences of fundamental changes to the powers and operations of the state are difficult to anticipate. The referendums literature suggests that citizens weigh their prior beliefs about the merits of proposals against the heuristic provided by the partisanship of the proposer, but the relative salience of these factors across constitutional issue areas remains underexplored. This paper examines the determinants of citizen preferences on 12 diverse constitutional issues, based on a novel survey experiment in Japan. We show that support for amendments is greater when its proposer is described as non-partisan. However, constitutional ideology moderates this effect. Those who prefer idealistic constitutions that elevate national traditions tend to value proposals that expand government powers, compared to those who prefer pragmatic constitutions that constrain government authority. These results highlight the significance of constitutional beliefs that are independent of partisanship.
In this article I examine changes in the election manifestos of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party. While the existing literature agrees that the LDP's policy platform has changed considerably since the introduction of the new election system in the 1990s, their analysis focuses on material policies such as pork barrel and welfare. Postmaterialist policies such as environmental protection have hardly been discussed, even though they have been relevant since pollution swept progressive mayors into power in the 1960s. I examine election platforms from 1956 through 2013, and argue that the LDP has carefully adjusted its policy mix by putting a greater emphasis on postmaterialist policies. My analysis also shows that while electoral reform has had an impact on the policy balance between postmaterialist and materialist policies as well as clientelist and programmatic policies, these changes are not linear, but vary from decade to decade.
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.