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Rural to Urban Migration: Some Data from Botswana
- Coralie Bryant, Betsy Stephens, Sherry MacLiver
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- Journal:
- African Studies Review / Volume 21 / Issue 2 / September 1978
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 23 May 2014, pp. 85-99
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- Article
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One of the most consequential recent developments in Africa is its rapid rate of urbanization. Over much of the continent, there is a movement from rural areas to urban centers and towns (Hanna and Hanna, 1971). There has been some social science research on this process (Caldwell, 1969; Mabogunje, 1968; Ross, 1975). Additional case studies reflecting original empirical research are essential to social scientists attempting to interpret the nature of the concomitant social and political change. Data generated by such empirical research are also needed by policy makers struggling to fashion policy strategies responsive to the changing urban needs.
On this most rapidly urbanizing continent, one of the countries with the highest rates of rural to urban migration is Botswana. Between 1971 and 1975, its capital, Gaborone, experienced an annual population growth rate of almost 15 percent. In December 1975, the Department of Statistics of the University College of Botswana conducted a major survey of migrants in Gaborone. In this article, we will report and discuss significant survey findings concerning the demographic and social characteristics of migrants, their motives for migrating, places of origin, the disposition of new arrivals in town, and the continuing pattern of rural urban linkages.
In 1966, at the time of independence, Botswana, about the size of France or Kenya, had only three “modern” towns with a combined population of around twenty thousand people. Gaborone, a small tribal village and colonial administrative center, was selected in 1964 as the site for the new capital which previously had been Mafeking, South Africa. Nearly all of the present population are migrants to the new town.
9 - Evaluation and accountability in emergency relief
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- By Coralie Bryant, director of the Program in Economic and Political Development School of International and Public Affairs Columbia University
- Edited by Alnoor Ebrahim, Harvard University, Massachusetts, Edward Weisband, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University
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- Book:
- Global Accountabilities
- Published online:
- 22 September 2009
- Print publication:
- 06 September 2007, pp 168-192
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- Chapter
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Summary
NGOs are at present challenged as never before to demonstrate results. For organizations involved in humanitarian relief work, one reason often given for needing more documentation of results and more accountability is a growing dependence on public money. Ian Smillie's reckoning, for example, is that: “by the early 1990s, 75 percent of British food aid was being channeled through NGOs, and 40 percent of Swedish spending on emergencies and refugees was going through Swedish NGOs. By 1996, 46 percent of French emergency funding was being spent through NGOs, and half of all the EU's European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO) funding was being spent the same way. Between 1992 and 1997 the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) – with the largest emergency budget in the world – spent over 60 percent of it, not counting food aid, through NGOs” (Smillie and Helmich, 1999, p. 9). Yet some of the NGOs with the strongest accountability cultures are the same ones that are taking the lowest amounts of public money. Thus the motivations or “drivers” for accountability within NGOs are more nuanced and complex than the role of public money; financial drivers are not determinative.
This chapter focuses on evaluation systems in NGOs – how they use evaluation, and how it can both enable and constrain accountability.