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Most conspiracy theories exist as part of “stigmatized knowledge” – that is, knowledge claims that have not been accepted by those institutions we rely upon for truth validation. Not uncommonly, believers in conspiracy theories also accept other forms of stigmatized knowledge, such as unorthodox forms of healing and beliefs about Atlantis and UFOs. Rejection by authorities is for them a sign that a belief must be true. However, the linkage of conspiracy theories with stigmatized knowledge has been weakening, because stigmatized knowledge itself is growing more problematic. What was once clearly recognizable as “the fringe” is now beginning to merge with the mainstream. This process of “mainstreaming the fringe” is the result of numerous factors, including the ubiquity of the Internet, the growing suspicion of authority, and the spread of once esoteric themes in popular culture. Only a permeable membrane now separates the fringe from the mainstream. Thus conspiracism is no longer the province only of small, isolated coteries. It now has the potential to make the leap into public discourse. This, of course, does not apply to every conspiracy theory, but it happens enough to suggest that we are at an important transition point. The recent controversy in the United States over whether a conspiracy existed to hide President Obama's alleged foreign birth – a claim that years earlier would never have emerged beyond small radical groups – suggests the nature of the change. It also suggests the dangers that political cultures may face in the future.
The 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks spawned a cottage industry of instant analysis. The result has been an avalanche of books that purport to explain terrorism, Islam, and the relationship between religion and violence. Most of the books written in the shadow of these events are superficial efforts unlikely to be remembered a few years hence. Bruce Lincoln's is a rare and distinguished exception. It is sure to outlast its competitors both in providing an understanding of 11 September and in offering broader frameworks for analyzing the linkages between religion and political change.
It is impossible to examine the place of conflict involving religion in America without first knowing how Americans perceive the role of conflict in their society. In fact, until recently most views of American history selectively read conflict out of the national story, with one signal exception. That exception was, of course, race, whose salience was such that it could hardly be ignored. From slavery to the Civil War, from Reconstruction through segregation and lynchings, from Brown v. Board of Education to the civil rights movement, conflicts about race cast a shadow over both the American past and the American present. All other forms of conflict, however, tended to be ignored or forgotten, made the domains of specialists or of the interest groups they affected, as if a kind of collective amnesia had settled over the subject. This was true of labor strife and ethnic conflict, and it was also true of religious conflict. The overriding desire was for a picture of the American past that emphasized harmony rather than division.
At no time was this stronger than in the 1950s, the years of the Eisenhower presidency. Religion was said to be good in itself. The president himself was believed to have said, “I don't care what religion you are, as long as you believe in something,” although subsequent attempts to source the quotation have been unavailing.
In the 1920s and early 1930s the Marxist legal theorist, Eugene Pashukanis, advanced the thesis that the achievement of communism would produce not only the dissolution of the state but of the legal system as well. Briefly, he argued that law was a direct result of economic exchange, that economic exchange was an integral part of bourgeois society, that all law was hence bourgeois law, and, finally, that the demise of bourgeois society would carry law with it. The fascination Pashukanis exerts is a direct product of the purity of his conclusion. The Revolution does not bring about a revision of the legal system, nor (except for a transitional period) does it even substitute one legal system for another. To the extent that the Revolution succeeds, it obliterates law qua law altogether.