In an epistle written around the early ninth century, the Babylonian Jewish polemicist Pirqoi ben Baboi chastised Jewish communities around the Mediterranean for adopting certain Palestinian practices that he dubbed “customs of persecution” (minhagey shmad).1 He contended that these customs were not products of the authentic continuous transmission of Jewish tradition extending back to Moses on Mount Sinai, but erroneous corruptions introduced as a result of Roman persecution of Jews. The Babylonian rabbinic tradition, by contrast, was more authentic because Jews had enjoyed consistently peaceable conditions under Persian rule. They were therefore free to practice and preserve traditional Jewish law accurately in an over millennium-long unbroken chain of transmission.

In a landmark essay, Stephen Greenblatt discussed a telling comment attributed to Elizabeth I in 1601.1 The queen learned that the steward of the Earl of Essex commissioned Shakespeare’s own theatre company, the Lord Chamberlain’s Men, to perform Richard II. Given the earl’s well-known seditious intentions, the queen responded, “I am Richard II. Know ye not that?” As Francis Bacon explained in his treatise indicting the Earl of Essex for treason, the earl’s steward supported the production “to satisfy his eyes with the sight of that Tragedy, which he thought soon his Lord should bring from the Stage to the State.”2 Greenblatt argues that the earl’s steward, and apparently the queen herself, recognized that the story had “the power to wrest legitimation from the established ruler and confer it on another.” In short, “the queen understood the performance as a threat,” and the steward understood its galvanizing potential. The earl commenced his ultimately unsuccessful rebellion against the queen the day after the performance.

The sparse material remains of Jews from the Sasanian Empire include around twenty personal seals, which were used to validate legal, business, and personal documents.1 These objects typically bore the owner’s name and an accompanying image. The identity of the owner is ascertainable from both the names and type of script; Jewish owners likely used square or Hebrew script, Christians used Syriac, and Middle Persian was used by all groups, including Jews and Christians.2 The images on Jewish and Christian seals are often easily recognizable communal symbols. For example, some Jewish seals depict ritual objects, such as the shofar, palm fronds, and citron (Figure 5).3 These were common features of Jewish visual culture, present on coins minted by the Judean rebel Bar Kokhba in the first half of Figure 6. the second century and in late antique synagogue mosaics.4 Not surprisingly, many Christian seals feature crosses.

The nature of this boast is puzzling: What does the king of the Sasanian Empire, in this case Shapur I (r. 240–270 CE), have to do with rabbinic biblical interpretation? An anonymous interpolation explains that “King Shapur” in Rabbah’s boast is simply a nickname for Shmuel, an earlier prominent rabbi. According to the interpolation, Rabbah is therefore making a run-of-the-mill brag about besting his eminent rabbinic colleague, Shmuel. Even so, the fact that Shmuel’s high rank is conveyed through analogy to the Sasanian king is noteworthy. Such a comparison assumes that the rabbinic movement is a kind of microcosm of the Sasanian Empire, headed by prominent rabbis and kings respectively.

A lengthy talmudic story tells of a man from the city of Nehardea who entered a butcher’s shop in the city of Pumbedita and demanded some meat.1 When the man was told that he must wait until the attendant of Rav Yehuda b. Ezekiel is served, he rages, “who is Yehuda b. Shewiskel to receive before me!” – omitting Yehuda’s title “Rav” and employing a derisive portmanteau of Rav Yehuda’s patronymic “Ezekiel,” and the word for a type of roasted meat, shewisqa.2 When informed of the slight against him, Rav Yehuda excommunicates the man, while the rabbi’s students further advise him that this man regularly insults others by calling them slaves. Rav Yehuda cites a dictum, which he attributes to Shmuel, to the effect that anyone who calls others a slave is himself the descendent of slaves. This man then sues Rav Yehuda for defamation, and they appear before a judge. The man insists that, far from being a slave, he is in fact a descendant of the priestly and royal Hasmonean line. Rav Yehuda counters by conveniently furnishing another statement which he once again attributes to Shmuel: “Whoever says ‘I am descended from the house of the Hasmoneans’ is a slave.”

An early medieval Middle Persian Zoroastrian source known as The Provincial Capitals of Ērānšahr describes the provinces and major cities of the Sasanian Empire and supplies several of them with short foundation myths. In describing the establishment of the cities of Susa and Šuštar in Khuzistan, The Provincial Capitals reports that they “were built by Šīšīnduxt, the wife of Yazdgird, the son of Šābuhr, since she was the daughter of the Exilarch (rēš-galūdag), the king of the Jews (jahūdagān šāh), and was also the mother of Wahrām Gōr.”

Following attacks by Syriac Orthodox Christians around 792, a group of Maronite monks in northern Syria appealed to Timothy I, the Catholicos of the Church of the East, to intervene on their behalf with the Caliph, with whom the Catholicos was believed to have a close relationship. In his response, Timothy encouraged the Maronites to join his own church, noting that its many martyrs established its theological purity:

While presiding over a legal dispute, Rav Naḥman’s student persistently pestered him with questions. Exasperated, Rav Naḥman reprimanded the student: