The Introduction sets the rationale and parameters for the study. The rationale begins with the growing climate crisis and the urgent necessity to decarbonise energy. It outlines the limits of the current assumption that private sector investment can deliver the required decarbonisation. Public legitimacy for renewables, we argue, has moved to the centre of the energy transition, requiring stronger forms of social ownership over the emerging energy systems. New roles for the state in decarbonising society are highlighted, along with a ‘re-commoning’ agenda and issues of sufficiency. Finally, the book’s focus on investigating and comparing region-level ‘success’ stories is outlined.

We outline the socio-ecological appropriation of ‘nature’s free gifts’ of wind and sun for renewable energy, understood as a process of capture, which opens a new ‘frontier’ in capital-nature relations. We elaborate on the term ‘nature’s free gifts’, originally derived from Marx, and its use in Marxist approaches to ecology and social theory as documented by Saito (2022). Second, we highlight the process of securing a spatial, temporal, and social ‘fix’ for large-scale renewables, to enable accumulation, and as an emerging aspect of rivalry between region-level authorities and developers to reap the rewards of the renewable energy transition. Third, we focus on the social relations of renewable accumulation, encompassing state authorities, corporates, workers, landowners, and communities, engaged in a contest to define models for renewable transition and lay claim to ‘nature’s free gifts’. These three strands are used to develop a conceptual model to interpret the social legitimacy of renewable transition and to guide the comparative analysis.

This introductory chapter offers a short overview of carbon neutrality, the great expectations surrounding its primary beneficiaries, and the macro opportunities and implications it will have, political, economic, and social. It then quickly narrows the focus to the emerging economies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) region, their evolving nature, and the role envisioned for carbon neutrality in their transformation from oil-based to cleaner, knowledge-based economies. Next, the chapter contextualises the challenges facing GCC countries to effectively transition towards carbon neutrality. The gap between the aforementioned interest and potential of carbon neutrality in the region and the scholarly work on the topic is then highlighted, motivating the need for the current volume. The objectives, scope, and expected contributions of the volume are finally presented.

This concluding chapter presents a high-level overview of the topics and case studies outlined in the earlier chapters, reiterating the main contributions of the book to the literature. The chapter then proceeds with ten takeaways, insights learned, and recommendations derived from the individual chapters. It concludes with a synthesis of the key findings and lessons learned from the various chapters, reflecting on the policy measures, technological innovation, and behavioural change enablers needed for a successful carbon neutrality transition in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) region.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Member States are increasingly focusing on alternatives to electrolysis for the production of ‘green’ hydrogen, such as steam reforming of biofuels and biomass gasification. This chapter analyses the possibility of effectively achieving that under the existing general regulatory framework on energy production, namely the laws on the establishment and operation of factories, as well as environmental protection laws in ASEAN countries that regulate hydrogen production, with special attention on biomass gasification and steam reforming of biofuels. It finds that, despite falling outside of energy regulatory frameworks, hydrogen production from biomass/biofuels is regulated under general legal frameworks on manufacturing activities, occupational health and safety, as well as environmental protection laws. This is demonstrated in more detail by referring to a case study on Thailand. The chapter argues that, in the absence of robust criteria on hydrogen classification, it is possible for an electricity producer that generates electricity from grey hydrogen to gain financial benefits that were formerly thought to be reserved for the promotion of ‘green’ electricity production from blue or green hydrogen, in the case of re-electrification of hydrogen after storage.

This chapter discusses the permitting regime for electrolysers in Aotearoa New Zealand. Because green hydrogen is typically converted from water via electrolysis, hydrogen projects are dependent upon electrolysers – and, therefore, upon obtaining the necessary consents to build and operate these. However, New Zealand’s resource consent rules do not specifically provide for permitting electrolysers. Instead, resource management legislation provides for consent to be obtained for use of those resources that will be needed for (and impacted by) the electrolyser operation, with health and safety rules and industry standards prescribing the specifications for electrolysers and the way these can be used. The chapter asks what permits will be needed and what processes must be followed in order for an electrolytic hydrogen project to receive resource consent. While examining the consenting process, the chapter also considers whether New Zealand’s existing regulations can support its hydrogen aspirations.

This chapter analyzes the interconnections between energy policy and security and defense policies in the UK, zooming in on Scotland. It explains the energy and security regimes and analyzes policy interplay. The links between hydrocarbon energy, energy transition, and security are complex, with relatively fragmented governance in place. While some instances of policy integration were found, broader policy coherence regarding security and the zero-carbon energy transition was lacking. Before 2022, coordination efforts were focused on external, global energy questions instead of domestic energy. Domestic energy security was driven by market-based values. Post-2022, security and energy transition links pertaining to domestic energy production and use became more important in political and policy agendas. Scotland has had a differing worldview on security in relation to energy transition than the rest of the UK, with more focus on the environmental and health security effects of energy policy choices and just transitions, evident, for instance, in its opposition to nuclear power.

This chapter explains what has been meant by energy security in different periods and research contexts. It elaborates on the history of energy security research and creates a typology of internal and external dimensions of energy security. Subsequently, the chapter describes the research on the geopolitics of energy, focusing on the geopolitics of renewable energy and the different implications envisaged to unfold from the energy transition. The chapter ends with a brief summary of the EU’s approach to energy security. The chapter, thereby, creates a research context for the empirical analyses conducted in this book.

This chapter introduces the topic of the book, namely the interconnections between zero-carbon energy transitions and security, and why this topic is of importance. It creates a setting for the following chapters by explaining the status of the energy transition in Europe, and introducing the academic fields the book draws from: sustainability transition studies, security studies, and studies of policy coherence and integration. The chapter also describes the research methods used and a brief background to the country cases, followed by a summary of the contents of the book.

Mining relates to violence in diverse ways, and frequently the relationship includes environmental violence. New technologies, including those central to a clean energy transition, mean that mining will remain a necessary industry. This means in turn that the human community will remain in need of ways to minimize and cope with the environmental violence of mining. The theory and practice of Catholic peacebuilding can offer distinct resources for dealing with these challenges. First, there is Catholic social teaching, which creates a foundation from which to respond to the environmental violence of mining in suitably complex and integral ways. Second, the Catholic community has a vibrant base of grassroots actors defending people and the environment from mining damage. And third, there is the church’s institutional capacity to network those grassroots actors and coordinate their work with national and international efforts to change resource governance and industry practice. The argument is not that these resources are necessarily unique to the Catholic community. The idea is that the Catholic community can array and marshal these resources in a distinctive way that gives it special potential for responding to mining and environmental violence.