The Irish at the dawn of the twentieth century benefitted from many positive changes over the previous half-century in health care, education and social provision, and were (in general, apart from urban slums) among the healthiest in Europe. The new dynamic trade unionism reached Ireland in the 1890s and formed a combustible force when combined with the non-parliamentary nationalisms and feminism of the early century. These all culminated in the 1916 Rising, which usurped the parliamentary nationalism of the Home Rule Party and rapidly assumed leadership of nationalist Ireland. Unionists continued to oppose national self-determination in all its forms. The state of Northern Ireland was set up by the Government of Ireland Act 1920, which also set up a state in the ‘south’. This was superseded by the War for Independence 1919–1921, which culminated in a Treaty with Britain which gave dominion status to the Irish Free State, comprising twenty-six of the thirty-two counties. A civil war followed 1922–1923, between pro- and anti-Treatyites.

Over 100,000 Irishmen from all over the country served in the Great War, and 40,000 died. The war brought great prosperity to farmers and shopkeepers, industrialists and food processors, though rising food prices took their toll of townspeople.

This chapter analyses efforts within the United Nations to develop legal and normative frameworks for transnational corporations (TNCs) and human rights, beginning in the 1970s. It first considers the UN Code of Conduct for Transnational Corporations and explains why this initiative failed to materialise despite many years of negotiation. It then examines the Global Compact, which reflects emerging trends in legalisation through its emphasis on implementation, participation by non-state actors, and reliance on consensus-building and norm promotion. The chapter next reviews the rise and fall of the Draft Norms, before turning to the development of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. This section highlights the innovative nature of Ruggie’s constructivist approach to generating new legal and social norms. A new treaty process, initiated in 2014, remains ongoing and suggests that traditional legalisation strategies continue to retain relevance in certain contexts.

Spring 1971 represented the final consequential leftist and radical impact on the Vietnam antiwar movement. The spring offensive demonstrations took place in a compressed two-week period in Washington, DC. Veterans also played a key role in revealing American war crimes. Liberals maintained antiwar pressure largely by concentrating on the continuing US air war. Allies within the government helped produce the twenty-sixth constitutional amendment lowering the voting age to eighteen. The movement continued evolving during the 1972 presidential contest. National coalitions and mass demonstrations gave way to smaller collaborations and more focused projects. Military veterans conducted war crimes investigations, activists withheld war taxes and pressured corporate militarists, citizens defended First Amendment rights against government disinformation, unique projects provided entertainment and advertising, and the entire movement confronted the air war. As military realities brought the war’s end closer, the antiwar movement mobilized street demonstrations but worked primarily through electoral politics.

One of the main challenges faced by the missionaries and their US supporters was the renewal of their short-term visas. The State Department repeatedly urged its Italian counterparts to consider issuing permanent or long-term residence permits, hoping to eliminate one of the most contentious points of the ongoing dispute. While the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was generally sympathetic to these proposals and sought to accommodate Washington’s requests, it faced significant resistance from Mario Scelba, the inflexible interior minister, as well as repeated pressures from the Vatican. The Vatican followed the matter with interest and concern, viewing the presence of Protestant missionaries as a potential threat to Italy’s Catholic identity and spiritual unity. Catholic propaganda leaned heavily on familiar anti-Protestant tropes, portraying Protestantism as a foreign import, threatening the country’s cohesion and spiritual unity, which, it was argued, was essential to counter the Communist threat. The visa issue became a constant point of contention, resolved only through temporary solutions and case-by-case renewals. Meanwhile, the missionaries frequently clashed with Italian authorities, who sporadically (and inconsistently) harassed them by shutting down preaching halls or preventing access to their facilities.

A close study of Benjamin West’s history paintings from the 1770s reveals the artist’s imagination of America and the goals of his patron rooted in the service of a continuing British empire. West’s powerful misrepresentation of the colonial past made this visual paradigm appealing even after the political and cultural rupture of the American Revolution. Paying close attention to the artist’s work and its continuing allure for audiences today reveals how imaginative, and inaccurate, history paintings such as this have come to be embraced as actual history.

In June of 1776, the Continental Congress voted to declare independence as thirteen United States, seeking not just to transform the governments of those states, but to undertake a transformation of the international system from which it sought recognition and legitimacy. Diplomacy lay at the heart of the American Revolution, to win the war and to position the United States as the hegemonic power in North America. This chapter analyzes how leaders such as John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson used diplomacy over five decades from the Declaration of Independence (1776) to the Monroe Doctrine (1823) to enact a revolution in international affairs that would result in the distancing of newly independent republics in Western hemisphere from direct involvement in the European state system, the marginalizing of Indigenous nations, and the elevating of the United States to a position of hegemony.

This chapter compares the early and middle encounter periods in eastern Canada to the ninteenth-century encounters in Australia and British Columbia. The chapter documents two distinct approaches to Indigenous land rights taken by the British Crown, with important implications for dispossession and recognition and reclamation of land rights. Because valid title to real property in eastern Canada primarily rested on good title from an original Indigenous seller, Indigenous rights to land were largely honored. Precisely the opposite situation played out in the west, where valid setter title turned on the complete erasure of Indigenous interests in the land. This was accomplished through the Torrens system of land-title registration, which erased Indigenous land rights in ways unimaginable to colonists along the east coast of the Americas where English law treated Indigenous lands as cognizable property interests. The chapter then focuses on the contemporary distribution of land rights in British Columbia to illuminate the continuing effects of the Torrens system of land-title registration on Indigenous land rights.

An international authority is necessary for the features of international legitimacy—that is, international membership, rights holding, fundamental principles of international law and hierarchy of rights holding, and rightful conduct—to be identified and operationalized, to become the expression of legitimacy and legitimacy in action internationally. Since the end of World War II, the United Nations (UN) has embodied this international authority. Having been established by the will of states and the UN Charter, the UN serves as the international authority of the time, the framework in which most of the construction and evolution of international law—be it through lawmaking treaties, the resolutions of the UN Security Council, or the work of the UN General Assembly and other UN organs—has taken place since the end of World War II. In the process, it has played a central role in determining what is and is not legitimate in international life.

In what would turn out to be the twilight decades of early modern Edo, cracks appeared in the foundations of its society and politics. Scholars of Western medicine discovered that the Chinese philosophical ideas that underpinned not just scientific understanding but also morality and the political order could be wrong. The appearance of American warships at the mouth of Edo Bay in 1853 challenged the government and culminated in the signing of humiliating treaties with foreign powers, exacerbating concerns about the shogunate’s ability to govern. And two years later, the fierce Ansei earthquake depleted government coffers, further demonstrated the limits of shogunate power, and fueled popular desires for world renewal. After the Tokugawa regime was toppled in 1868, bringing an end to the early modern order and the very notion of a shogunate, Edo was renamed Tokyo and strategically remade into the capital of an emergent modern nation.

After Cannae, Hannibal needed a maritime base to allow reinforcements and supplies to reach him. But he failed to win over or capture Naples, an old Roman naval ally, and had mixed results elsewhere in Campania: he was successful at proud Capua. He was under-supported from Carthage for all his time in Italy, whether because they could not or would not help him. In 215, he signed a treaty of alliance with Philip V of Macedon. This brought few benefits to either party and would long be remembered by the Romans. Syracuse in Sicily went over to Hannibal in 214 but was recaptured by Claudius Marcellus (late 212). Similarly most of coastal Tarentum in south Italy was in his hands, but only between 212 and 209. In 211, when Capua was under Roman pressure, Hannibal marched on Rome as a diversionary tactic but soon withdrew. Capua fell and was harshly treated.

Ancient communications were slow and precarious, so overseas commanders enjoyed/suffered from partial absence of control by home authorities. Isolation should not be overdone. Literary sources mention official letters home only when remarkable for some reason. Requests to the senate for supplies from Rome were made routinely. Equally, some messages and orders arrived from Carthage. ‘Peripheral imperialism’, far-reaching decisions by men on the spot, are a feature of Roman operations in Iberia. Publius Scipio (father)’s decision to fight the war there is a good example. Other examples are reviewed. Hannibal’s treaty with Philip was co-signed by Carthaginian advisers. Appointment of good subordinates is an important indicator of the quality of a commander’s personal initiatives. Italian Locri is taken as a case study because Hannibal and Scipio both made decisions affecting it. Hannibal’s appointee Hamilcar was guilty of long-term arrogance but was perhaps not as bad as Scipio’s scandalous lieutenant Quintus Pleminius.

International organizations are established by international treaties that set out their powers and limits and the obligations toward international institutions even though few such institutions have the power to enforce their decisions. The politics of international organizations therefore arises in the dynamic between obligation, compliance, and enforcement.

This chapter examines two ways the customary norm could have emerged post-1945: the two-element approach or that article 2(4) gave rise to a new customary rule of its own impact, following the approach of the ICJ in the North Sea Continental Shelf Cases. It demonstrates the challenges of applying the two-element approach to the customary prohibition of the use of force due to the presence of the parallel and near-universal treaty obligation in article 2(4) of the UN Charter, which makes it difficult to identify sufficient relevant State practice and opinio juris outside the treaty. Establishing evidence of the customary rule and its content in this way depends on a number of theoretical issues that remain unsettled or over which significant controversy exists. This chapter then applies the criteria set out by the ICJ in the North Sea Continental Shelf Cases to article 2(4) and argues that article 2(4) meets this test. This chapter concludes that, in contrast to the right to self-defence in article 51 of the UN Charter which explicitly has its origins in customary international law, article 2(4) is itself the origin of the customary international law prohibition of the use of force.

Chapter 2 analyses the negotiation of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC, 1998–2003). It illustrates that evidence was a key element of the negotiations and argues that the FCTC was developed as an evidence-based treaty to counteract the attacks on evidence by the tobacco industry. After a historical introduction, Section 2.2 outlines the theoretical background of the chapter, introducing the notion of ‘treaty entrepreneurs’. Sections 2.3, 2.4, and 2.5 proceed to delineate and analyse how the strategy on evidence unfolded during the FCTC negotiations. Section 2.3 illustrates how legal expertise from international environmental law was borrowed to build a treaty that could embed and develop evidence. Section 2.4 describes how evidence was mobilised to build the treaty. First, the treaty entrepreneurs relied on existing knowledge within the WHO; second, they served as a catalyst for the production of additional evidence from other relevant actors, most notably the World Bank. Section 2.5 reviews how the treaty entrepreneurs framed the available evidence and how the label ‘evidence-based’ started being used. Section 2.6, finally, draws some conclusions on the implications of adopting a strategy on evidence to push forward the negotiations of a treaty.

Æthelweard, the writer of the Chronicle, is mentioned in this Treaty, made between Æthelred the Unready and the Viking leaders in the early 990s after a period of disastrous attacks by the Danes in England. A set of agreed rules as to behaviour between the English and the Vikings is listed. Sigeric, Archbishop of Canterbury is also mentioned. The text contains a number of Old English words and Latin words created from Old English.