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This chapter uses creative, narrative nonfiction writing to portray a deathbed conversation or confession of sorts between a dying person and their healthcare providers. While literary in style, it is based on seven years of the author’s immersive field research in post-Apartheid South Africa in long-term and frail care homes. After providing background on long-term care and the history of racial segregation in that country, the chapter depicts a scene where white and Black nursing staff provide palliative care for and converse with a dying white woman whose character is composed from life history interviews with multiple residents of the home. As a contribution to the anthropology of death, the chapter shows how humanistic and literary approaches can be used to represent voices of dying people, as well as the ways histories of racial violence and inequality can be highlighted in research on long-term and palliative care.
Throughout U.S. history, women have served and participated in war efforts in both official and unofficial capacities, playing central roles in furthering U.S. war aims and achieving the mission at hand. At times, military authorities have acknowledged women’s unofficial contributions by offering payment for services and access to postwar benefits. Military leaders have also recognized the value of servicewomen when personnel needs required them. Since the end of the Vietnam War-era draft in 1973, the U.S. armed forces have gradually opened military occupation specialties, including combat positions, to women. Yet in the civilian world and within the military ranks, resistance to women’s service remained steady over the decades. Critics have cited unit cohesion and readiness as reasons to keep women out of the forces, and they have also made cultural arguments grounded in the links between gender, power, and military service to oppose the mobilization of women. Although U.S. military leaders have opened opportunities for women due to pragmatic needs for personnel, Americans have held on to the notion that soldiers are men, and women belong on the homefront.
Between October 1990 and May 1996 cultural safety was a major and extraordinarily contentious issue. The Nursing Council of New Zealand’s resolution that cultural safety would be part of the requirements for nursing and midwifery education programs might be considered as one of the greatest challenges to face the nursing profession in New Zealand. This chapter provides analysis of why cultural safety was almost lost from the language of nursing. It begins with brief historical perspective on nursing and cultural safety in New Zealand. The important differences between transcultural nursing and cultural safety are discussed, as well as the ensuing public debate that followed cultural safety’s early development.
Cultural safety aims to create environments that are safe for all people, acknowledging the myriad of contexts that can be present for individuals and communities. This is particularly essential in health care. Cultural Safety in Aotearoa New Zealand offers an encompassing look into theoretical and practice-based perspectives on cultural safety through the lens of Aotearoa New Zealand and Pacific contexts in health care. This edition features significant updates and new chapters on topics including: Māori models of health, gender identity, mental health and Pacific health. Chapters contain key terms, practice examples, reflections, and end-of-chapter questions to help consolidate the reader's understanding of the content. The chapters all link back to the pou of the standards of competence for registered nurses. Drawing on the expertise of the contributing authors, the new edition of Cultural Safety in Aotearoa New Zealand is an essential resource for those involved in the delivery of health care.
This study examined hospital preparedness and radiation risk perception among nurses in Iran, uniquely applying the Transtheoretical Model to identify behavioral predictors of emergency readiness.
Methods
This cross-sectional study was conducted among 152 health care workers in three teaching hospitals. Four validated tools assessed hospital preparedness, knowledge, risk perception, and stages of change. Linear regression identified predictors of behavioral progression.
Results
While the hospital equipment domain scored highest (mean 18.3/21), the education domain scored lowest (mean 2.3/4). Notably, 85.5% of nurses remained in the passive stages of change, with only moderate levels of risk perception. Cognitive (β = 0.937) and behavioral processes (β = 0.763) strongly predicted stage advancement, extending previous findings on behavioral determinants of disaster preparedness.
Conclusion
This study suggests that psychological readiness may play an important role in radiation emergency preparedness. Stimulus control and reinforcement management represent critical behavioral targets that are often overlooked in traditional training. Policymakers should consider shifting from awareness-only approaches to stage-matched, behaviorally driven interventions that address nurses’ emotional barriers and support sustained readiness.
Nurses and midwives must be able to provide culturally safe health care to all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Yatdjuligin: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Nursing and Midwifery Care introduces readers to historical and contemporary approaches to Indigenous nurse-led theory, research and praxis. Now in its fourth edition, Yatdjuligin advocates for the knowledge and experiences of First Nations peoples to be prioritised across all health care contexts. New chapters on healthcare in custodial care settings, long-term health conditions and the effects of climate change on Indigenous people's health have been added. Updated case studies and reflective questions offer students realistic examples of theory in practice, encouraging them to consider and challenge their own beliefs and understandings. Written entirely by leading Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander nurses, midwives, academics and researchers, Yatdjuligin is an essential resource for students establishing the foundations of culturally safe healthcare in their practice.
This chapter explores Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community-controlled health services (ACCHOS) and looks at the important role they play in improving health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. It is difficult to understand the Aboriginal community-controlled health sector of today without considering how the sector developed. This chapter therefore outlines the conception and establishment of the services and the political realities facing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people at the time of their commencement. This chapter is organised around a case study of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Service in Brisbane, which celebrated its 50th anniversary in 2023. To complement the case study, the chapter includes an overview of the governance structures of the community-controlled sector, as this is an area that can be difficult for health professionals to understand. The scenarios, case studies and reflective questions focus on experiences that nurses and midwives might have working in an Aboriginal community-controlled health service.
Prior to colonisation, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples thrived on the continent now known as Australia. However, long-term health conditions such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes, kidney disease and respiratory illnesses are disproportionately prevalent in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities due to systemic inequities, intergenerational trauma and barriers to healthcare access. This chapter examines the prevalence and impact of long-term health conditions among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, the determinants that shape health outcomes and the importance of self-management in long-term health conditions. Also underscored is the need for healthcare systems to prioritise Indigenous-led solutions, community empowerment and a strengths-based approach to improving long-term health condition outcomes among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.
Indigenous Australians have thrived on the continent of Australia for at least 65,000 years. This history demonstrates a relationality to which few cultures maintain or link their cultural practices. For Indigenous Australians, everything is connected. No individual person exists in isolation.The invasion and colonisation of Australia had a colossal impact on the Australian continent. The land has been transformed and damaged in the name of profit, progress and nation-building. Successive governments have supported an extraction-based economy that focuses on stripping resources from the land and ignoring Indigenous Australians’ knowledge about how to care for Country. Despite this, Indigenous Australians continue to hold intricate, sacred and nuanced knowledges of Country and respect the way Country has nurtured and supported our ways of knowing, being and doing for millennia.
Research is important in the creation of new knowledge or as a way of understanding phenomena. This chapter primarily concerns quantitative research. The chapter begins with a discussion about quantitative research and Indigenous peoples in context to provide an overview of the vexed discussion of methodological approaches advocated in Indigenous research. This is followed by an overview of Indigenous quantitative research in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander context, including what is defined as research and the key differences between research methodology and methods. The authors then introduce concepts of Indigenous quantitative research practices and include a case study on the Yawuru wellbeing framework to illuminate how methodology affects research and therefore understanding. The final section describes participatory action research as an appropriate methodology when conducting research with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in Australia, and looks at how appropriate quantitative methods can contribute to new knowledge and understanding through the case study of an Aboriginal Ranger in Central Australia.
This chapter discusses the challenges that face Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women and their families in urban and regional maternity settings. It is written from the framework of cultural safety in midwifery care (discussed in Chapter 2). Giving birth is a significant, intimate, personal and life-changing experience – for all women, across all cultures. It is also a topic of great debate among Indigenous and non-Indigenous health professionals, Elders, communities, women and their families. The debates centre on issues that are particularly relevant to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women, such as accepted birthing and midwifery practices, where women choose to give birth (and whether they are able to choose the location) and whether they have the right to practise cultural and spiritual beliefs about women’s business. To explore these issues, this chapter provides an historical perspective on birthing and midwifery practices among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women. It then explores some contemporary issues and discusses some of the author’s own midwifery experiences.
This chapter explores the health and wellbeing of Elders and older Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and the factors that are important to consider in their care, including chronic conditions, a shorter lifespan and culturally safe and appropriate aged care. Older Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and their families make conscious decisions around care, and the role of the nurse is to support individuals and their families in making informed decisions. Reasons are presented for why some Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people may be viewed by various health professionals as non-compliant or disengaging from the health system and their ongoing care, including palliative care, when in fact they are making conscious choices that can be culturally defined and seen as a cultural determinant of health.
The quality of our health is largely determined by foetal development in pregnancy and the experiences and environments to which we are exposed in infancy and childhood. These factors shape and contribute to lifelong health effects that occur into adult life. While there is little documentation about the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children prior to the invasion, and it is conflicted, it is known that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children were few and precious and their holistic health needs were met within their strong and extended family structures. Child mortality and morbidity were accepted parts of life in pre-invasion times; this is reflected in traditional birthing practices and women’s business. Traditionally, our children learnt culture, food-gathering, ceremony, kinship relationships, law, gender-specific work and other important values and structures throughout childhood. Post-invasion, the introduction of disease, the impacts of loss of traditional food sources due to dispossession of lands and the fracturing and removal of traditional family and community structures fuelled the increased rates of Indigenous mortality and morbidity evidenced today.
Research is vital to the health professions. It has the potential to inform and change health policy and practice and, through that change, to improve Indigenous health outcomes. However, while research is vitally important, it is not values neutral. Historically, much research has been conducted on rather than with Indigenous communities. Typically, research has been carried out by non-Indigenous researchers who want to find out about Indigenous peoples and their cultures. Research has traditionally been designed to suit the agenda and interests of the non-Indigenous people conducting research. The research of the past was often conducted in ways that did not address Indigenous defined priorities or benefit Indigenous communities in any way. In many cases, the research brought no benefit to the peoples being studied or was harmful and destructive for communities.
Remote area nursing is a unique and challenging role, characterised by geographical, social and professional isolation. Remote area nurses (RANs) are generalist specialist nurses who predominantly work in remote Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander communities but can also be found working in communities established around activities such as mining, agriculture, fishing, tourism and refugee detention facilities. They coordinate and deliver a diverse range of healthcare services in remote and extreme environments with limited resources. This chapter reflects on the authors’ practice and experience of working as RANs. It explores the scope of RAN practice and discusses complexities such as cultural obligation, cultural safety, burden of disease and isolation when working in a remote Indigenous community. It reflects on our experiences in different remote nursing roles and jurisdictions.
This chapter aims to educate the reader about providing nursing care for First Nations people so it promotes culturally safe social and emotional wellbeing (SEWB). The term ‘social and emotional wellbeing’ is used instead of the dominant health culture terminology ‘mental health’. We are not attempting to be controversial in doing so; rather, we are adopting a First Nations standpoint to help us understand and discuss mental health and mental illness in a relevant context for First Nations people. We also suggest that it is not a case of simply treating mental health as an alternative terminology; instead, it is necessary to understand social and emotional wellbeing as a phenomenon that is particular to First Nations people, and then to explore mental health from that perspective. The standpoint we use is important because, from a theoretical perspective, it helps us understand how we interpret the social and emotional health, and the mental health, of people generally.
This chapter examines the role of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health worker (ATSIHW) and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health practitioner (ATSIHP), and discusses their relationships with nurses and midwives. It introduces the IHW and IHP roles because an understanding of them is important for nurses and midwives in order to optimise interprofessional practice with these practitioners. The chapter also discusses the application of nursing and midwifery professional standards to the interprofessional relationships between nurses, midwives, IHWs and IHPs.
Historically, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women and men held defined gendered realities. Within each clan group and across Indigenous nations, the common ties of culture held people together, but gendered realities defined the specific roles of women and men. Women’s business defined the knowledge and activities shared among women – for example, birthing practices – which would not be shared with men. In turn, men’s business defined the knowledge and activities that were shared among men and kept separate from women. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander men and women had processes for mediating and negotiating their shared responsibilities. Their communication was defined by their gendered realities and occurred within the cisgendered cultural boundaries that were accepted by the group. Men and women held distinct, defined roles that were of vital importance to the balance of community. Even today, some Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and communities maintain the separation of women’s business and men’s business.
Australia is made up of many culturally distinct, unceded Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander nations, which may create confusion when discussing issues facing our people. Throughout this chapter, we respectfully use the term ‘Indigenous Australians’ when collectively referring to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people unless referring to specific individuals or groups who identify as either Aboriginal (person or descendant of Tasmania’s and/or mainland Australia’s traditional custodians) or Torres Strait Islander people (person or descendant of the Torres Strait Islands north of Queensland’s coast). We intend no disrespect and embrace our cultural diversity. Note: While many of the resources and references we use throughout this chapter use marginalising and stigmatising terminology, we do not endorse this practice.
In 2019, the Australian Nursing and Midwifery Accreditation Council (ANMAC) released the updated Registered Nurse Accreditation Standards. The new standards mandated that cultural safety for all people be included in programs of study. Within Australia, across a range of health-related documents, we are bombarded with terms such as ‘cultural competency’, ‘cultural humility’, ‘cultural responsibility’ and ‘cultural awareness’. There has been much confusion and foggy thinking about the meaning of cultural safety within Australia. This chapter outlines the development of Irihapeti Ramsden’s cultural safety framework. Cultural safety is placed within an historical context and is defined as a journey that all nurses and midwives need to undertake. Nursing and midwifery students are required to consider the potential influence of their own cultures on their nursing and midwifery practice. This chapter uses an Indigenist historical lens to explore the establishment of nursing in Australia, and therefore the ‘whiteness’ of nursing, and its impacts on Indigenous Australian peoples and our health.