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Redeeming Santo Domingo: North Atlantic Missionaries and the Racial Conversion of a Nation
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 May 2020
Abstract
This article examines North Atlantic views of Protestant missions and race in the Dominican Republic between 1905 and 1911, a brief period of political stability in the years leading up to the U.S. Occupation (1916–1924). Although Protestant missions during this period remained small in scale on the Catholic island, the views of British and American missionaries evidence how international perceptions of Dominicans transformed in the early twentieth century. Thus, this article makes two key interventions within the literature on Caribbean race and religion. First, it shows how outsiders’ ideas about the Dominican Republic's racial composition aimed to change the Dominican Republic from a “black” country into a racially ambiguous “Latin” one on the international stage. Second, in using North Atlantic missionaries’ perspectives to track this shift, it argues that black-led Protestant congregations represented a possible alternative future that both elite Dominicans and white North Atlantic missionaries rejected.
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Footnotes
This paper was awarded the Sidney E. Mead Prize for the best unpublished article stemming from dissertation research that contributes significantly to its field and to the history of Christianity more broadly.
References
1 Emerson Mears, “Wesleyan Methodist Missions in the Dominican Republic—West Indies,” 30 March 1905, Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, West Indies Correspondence (H-2707), microfiche 2062, Methodist Missionary Society Archives, London.
2 C. S. Smith, “A Trip to the West Indies,” Christian Recorder, 12 March 1896.
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19 García-Peña, Borders of Dominicanidad, 10.
20 Candelario, Black Behind the Ears, 91.
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30 José del Castillo, “Formation of the Dominican Sugar Industry,” 229.
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32 José del Castillo, La inmigración de braceros azucareros en La República Dominicana, 1900–1930 (Santo Domingo: Centro Dominicano de Investigaciones Antropologicas, 1978); and Patrick E. Bryan, “Question of Labor in the Sugar Industry of the Dominican Republic in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries,” in Moreno Fraginals, Moya Pons, and Engerman, Between Slavery and Free Labor, 242–248.
33 Silvio Torres-Saillant and Ramona Hernández, The Dominican Americans (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1998), 22. The same practice was conducted in Haiti, where Frederick Douglass became U.S. minister in 1889.
34 Millery Polyné, From Douglass to Duvalier: U.S. African Americans, Haiti, and Pan Americanism, 1870–1964 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2010), 52; Dickson D. Bruce, Archibald Grimké: Portrait of a Black Independent (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1993), 67–68; and Byrd, Black Republic, 37–43.
35 Frank Moya Pons, The Dominican Republic: A National History, 3rd ed. (Princeton, N.J.: Markus Wiener, 2010), 266–271.
36 Moya Pons, Dominican Republic, 267.
37 Moya Pons, Dominican Republic, 295.
38 Moya Pons, Dominican Republic, 281–282.
39 Moya Pons, Dominican Republic, 295; and Cyrus Veeser, A World Safe for Capitalism: Dollar Diplomacy and America's Rise to Global Power (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 4–7.
40 Moya Pons, Dominican Republic, 299.
41 Moya Pons, Dominican Republic, 299.
42 For a general history, see George A. Lockward, El protestantismo en Dominicana, 2nd ed. (Santo Domingo: Editora Educativa Dominicana, 1982).
43 Rayford Logan, Diplomatic Relations of the United States with Haiti, 1776–1891 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1941), 216–217; James O'Dell Jackson, “The Origins of Pan-African Nationalism: Afro-American and Haytian Relations, 1800–1863” (PhD diss., Northwestern University, 1976); Chris Dixon, Africa America and Haiti: Emigration and Black Nationalism in the Nineteenth Century (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 2000); H. Hoetink, “‘Americans’ in Samaná,” Caribbean Studies 2, no. 1 (April 1962): 3–22; Sara Fanning, Caribbean Crossing: African Americans and the Haitian Emigration Movement (New York: New York University Press, 2014); and Dennis Hidalgo, La primera inmigracion de negros libertos norteamericanos y su asentamiento en la Española (1824–1826) (Santo Domingo: Academia Dominicana de la Historia, 2016).
44 Daniel A. Payne, History of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (Nashville: A. M. E. Sunday-School Union, 1891), 477.
45 Leslie Griffiths, History of Methodism in Haiti (Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Méthodiste, 1991), 58-59.
46 George Gillanders Findlay and William West Holdsworth, The History of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society (London: Epworth, 1921), 491–493.
47 Christina Cecelia Davidson, “Black Protestants in a Catholic Land: The AME Church in the Dominican Republic 1899–1916,” New West Indian Guide 89, no. 3–4 (2015): 268; Nehemiah Willmore, “Esbozo histórico de la llegada de inmigrantes afro-americanos a la isla de Santo Domingo y Haití,” Boletín del Archivo General de La Nación 36, no. 129 (2011): 260–261; and Lockward, El protestantismo en Dominicana, 292.
48 Emelio Betances, The Catholic Church and Power Politics in Latin America: The Dominican Case in Comparative Perspective (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2007), 213; Philip E. Wheaton and William L. Wipfer, Triunfando sobre las tragedias: Historia centenaria de la Iglesia Episcopal Dominicana, 1897–1997 (Santo Domingo: Editora Educativa Dominicana, 1997), 19–40; and Lockward, El protestantismo en Dominicana, 292–302.
49 Fernando Pérez Memén, “Relaciones entre la iglesia y el estado en el período 1898–1934,” in El padre Castellanos, ed. Rafael Bello Peguero (Santo Domingo: Editora Amigo del Hogar, 1991), 15, 13–35; and H. E. Polanco Brito, “La iglesia católica y la primera constitución Dominicana,” Clío 38, no. 125 (January–August 1970): 8–12.
50 Luis Martínez-Fernández, “The Sword and the Crucifix: Church-State Relations and Nationality in the Nineteenth-Century Dominican Republic,” Latin American Research Review 30, no. 1 (1995): 71–72, 83.
51 Report of the Commission of Inquiry to Santo Domingo (Government Printing Office, 1871), 222; Lockward, El protestantismo en Dominicana, 71–83; Martínez-Fernández, “The Sword and the Crucifix,” 83; Anne Eller, We Dream Together: Dominican Independence, Haiti, and the Fight for Caribbean Freedom (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2016), 133–134; and Gerald Horne, Confronting Black Jacobins: The United States, the Haitian Revolution, and the Question of the Dominican Republic (New York: Monthly Review, 2015) 267–268.
52 Betances, Catholic Church and Power Politics, 28–30.
53 Mu-Kien A. Sang, Ulises Heureaux: Biografía de un dictador (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1989), 105–113.
54 Martínez-Fernández, “Sword and the Crucifix,” 70.
55 Mears served first in Sánchez, where he arrived in 1892. He moved to Puerto Plata in 1903 and served in the Dominican Republic until his death in 1942. His wife, Margaret Mears, is well-known for her work in the medical field. A trained nurse, she opened a clinic and trained hundreds of Dominican women: Edward A. Odell, It Came to Pass (New York: Board of National Missions, Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, 1952), 147.
56 Mears, “Wesleyan Methodist Missions in the Dominican Republic.”
57 Emerson Mears to [John] Milton Brown, 16 March 1907, Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, West Indies Correspondence (H-2707), microfiche 2064, Methodist Missionary Society Archives, London.
58 Mears to Brown, 16 March 1907.
59 Mears to Brown, 16 March 1907. Outside of Puerto Plata, British Wesleyan missionary stations in the Dominican Republic existed in northern provinces of Samaná and Sánchez. In each northern station, the state of the mission was more or less the same; the congregations had no Dominican members. In Puerto Plata, Turks Islanders made up the majority of the membership, “the American immigrants having been nearly absorbed in the Spanish speaking population.” In Samaná, the story differed slightly, for there was still a robust presence of American descendants. Mears explained that “the natural growth of the coloured American colony there has given us an increase which may mislead if only statistics be considered.” Sánchez was more like Puerto Plata with its foreign element. There the membership was “mostly composed of people from St. Thomas and Tortola.” These statistics worried Mears, for the north had traditionally been the focal point of the Wesleyan missions, and it was there that they had churches, schools, and missionary houses.
60 Outside of Puerto Plata, known regions are Samaná, Santo Domingo, Higuey, and Neiba. For Higuey, see Report of the Commission of Inquiry to Santo Domingo, 224. For Neiba, see José A. Robert, La Evolución Histórica de Barahona (Ciudad Trujillo: Editora del Caribe, 1953), 58–59. Thank you to Anne Eller for pointing me to Robert's text for this Neiba reference.
61 Orlando Inoa, Azúcar: Árabes, cocolos y haitianos (Santo Domingo: Editora Cole, 1999); and Hoetink, Dominican People, 19–36.
62 Mears to Brown, 16 March 1907.
63 Mears, “Wesleyan Methodist Missions in the Dominican Republic.”
64 Mears, “Wesleyan Methodist Missions in the Dominican Republic.”
65 Bryan, “Transition to Plantation Agriculture”; and José del Castillo, “Formation of the Dominican Sugar Industry.”
66 Cassá, “El Racismo en la ideología de la clase dominante dominicana,” 65–66; del Castillo, La Inmigración de Braceros Azucareros, 42; Baud, “‘Constitutionally White,’” 125; and Howard, Coloring the Nation, 24.
67 Teresita Martínez-Verge, Nation and Citizen in the Dominican Republic, 1880–1916 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005), 87; and Mayes, Mulatto Republic, 88.
68 Mears, “Wesleyan Methodist Missions in the Dominican Republic.”
69 Mears to Brown, 16 March 1907.
70 Findlay and Holdsworth, History of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, 462–464.
71 Findlay and Holdsworth, History of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, 472–473.
72 Findlay and Holdsworth, History of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, 472.
73 Mears, “Wesleyan Methodist Missions in the Dominican Republic.”
74 Mears, “Wesleyan Methodist Missions in the Dominican Republic.”
75 Mears, “Wesleyan Methodist Missions in the Dominican Republic.”
76 Charles E. Goodin to Emerson Mears, 12 March 1907, Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, West Indies Correspondence (H-2707), microfiche 2064, Methodist Missionary Society Archives, London.
77 Mears to Brown, 16 March 1907.
78 Wheaton and Wipfer, Triunfando sobre las tragedias, 31–32.
79 Wheaton and Wipfer, Triunfando sobre las tragedias, 27.
80 James Theodore Holly, “Haiti: Bishop Holly's Visit to San Pedro de Macoris, Dominica,” Spirit of Missions 63, no. 5 (May 1898): 224, quoted in Wheaton and Wipfer, Triunfando sobre las tragedias, 33.
81 Wheaton and Wipfer, Triunfando sobre las tragedias, 31.
82 Davidson, “Black Protestants in a Catholic Land,” 269–281.
83 J. P. James, “A Word from Santo Domingo,” Voice of Missions 13, no. 11 (November 1905): 19.
84 James, “A Word from Santo Domingo.”
85 Goodin to Mears, 12 March 1907.
86 J. P. James, “A.M.E. Church Work at Samana, Santo Domingo,” Voice of Missions 18, no. 2 (February 1910): 6–7.
87 Lockward, El protestantismo en Dominicana, 183–185.
88 J. P. James, “Santo Domingo City: August 23rd,” Christian Recorder, 20 September 1900.
89 James, “Santo Domingo City.”
90 There was previously an AME society of fifteen members and a local preacher in Monte Cristi. The congregation, however, could not support the preacher financially, and consequently, he abandoned the work. “This was very discouraging to the little mission, so much so that many of them have connected themselves with other churches,” James lamented. He suggested that the missionary to be appointed to Monte Cristi be a teacher who could support himself by charging tuition. James, “Santo Domingo City.”
91 J. P. James, “Quadrennial Report of Rev. J. P. James,” Voice of Missions 16, no. 7 (July 1908): 11–12. The minister who James left in charge when he went to Samaná had died in 1906: J. P. James, “The Missionary Work in Samana,” Voice of Missions 14, no. 5 (May 1906): 2.
92 J. P. James, “A.M.E. Church Work at Samana, Santo Domingo,” Voice of Missions 18, no. 2 (February 1910): 6–7.
93 James, “A.M.E. Church Work at Samana.”
94 J. P. James, “Samaná, Santo Domingo, August 31, 1911,” Voice of Missions 19, no. 10 (October 1911): 10. The Moravians arrived in 1907 and built an iron church in San Pedro de Macorís.
95 Philo W. Drury and Nathan H. Huffman, “Occupancy of Santo Domingo by Evangelical Missions,” Latin American General Records 1911–1974, box 7, folder 11, Burke Library at Union Theological Seminary, Columbia University, N.Y.
96 Inman, Samuel Guy, Christian Cooperation in Latin America: Report of a Visit to Mexico, Cuba, and South America, March–October 1917 (New York: Committee on Cooperation in Latin America, 1917), 32Google Scholar.
97 Odell, It Came to Pass, 148. In 1911, the Presbyterian Church at Mayaguez, Puerto Rico donated $170 for Dominican missionary work.
98 Drury and Huffman, “Occupancy of Santo Domingo.”
99 Drury and Huffman, “Occupancy of Santo Domingo.”
100 Drury and Huffman, “Occupancy of Santo Domingo.”
101 Drury and Huffman, “Occupancy of Santo Domingo.”
102 Hoetink, Dominican People, 29–32.
103 Drury and Huffman, “Occupancy of Santo Domingo.”
104 Drury and Huffman, “Occupancy of Santo Domingo.”
105 Drury and Huffman, “Occupancy of Santo Domingo.”
106 Odell, It Came to Pass, 148.
107 All of these organizations and conferences were related. The Foreign Missionary Conference of North America was held in New York and led to another meeting, the Panama Conference, in 1916. The Puerto Rico regional conference developed from the Panama Conference and was also held in 1916. At this conference, the Evangelical Union of Puerto Rico, a body that consisted of nine denominations working in Puerto Rico at the time, was formally established. The Committee on Cooperation in Latin America was then established in 1917. See Inman, Christian Cooperation in Latin America, 32.
108 “Outline of Cooperative Work in Puerto Rico and Santo Domingo,” Records of the Foreign Missionary Society of the Church of the United Brethren in Christ, folder 2279-5-6:07, General Commission on Archives and History, United Methodist Church, Madison, N.J.
109 Odell, It Came to Pass, 148. For “Latin race,” see Inman, Christian Cooperation in Latin America, 6.
110 Odell, It Came to Pass, 152.
111 For my use of contradictions, see García-Peña, Borders of Dominicanidad, 1–2.