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² Mumford, Lewis, The Culture of Cities (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1938), 3.Google Scholar

³ For an interpretation of the historical Chinese city see Murphey, Rhoads, “The City as a Center of Change: Western Europe and China,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 44.4 (12 1954), 349–362.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴ On regional factors influencing the distribution and types of Japanese cities see Hall, R. B., “The Cities of Japan: Notes on Distribution and Inherited Forms,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 24.4 (12 1934), 175–200.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ In applying the term feudalism to the institutions of Kamakura, Ashikaga, and Tokugawa Japan I follow Asakawa, K., “Some Aspects of Japanese Feudal Institutions,” TASJ, 46.1 (1918), 76–102.Google Scholar

⁶ Several recent studies have been made of the transformation of the classical cities of Nara and Kyoto into medieval towns. See Fukutarō, Nagashima^a, “Toshi jichi no genkai —Nara no baai” (The limits of urban self-government—the example of Nara), Shakai keizaishigaku, 17.3 (1951), 27–51Google Scholar; Hiroshi, Matsuyama^b, “Hōken toshi seiritsu ni tsuki no kōsatsu” (On the establishment of feudal towns), Rekishigaku kenkyū, 180 (02 1955), 12–22Google Scholar; Nobuichi, Murayama^c, “Nikon toshi seikatsu no genryū” (The source of urban life in Japan) (Tokyo: Seki Shoin, 1953) 69f.Google Scholar

⁷ For some general studies of the medieval Japanese town in addition to Murayama, see Motoo, Endō^d, Nihon chusei toshi ron (Medieval cities of Japan) (Tokyo: Hakuyōsha, 1940)Google Scholar; Tomohiko, Harada^e, Chūsei ni okeru toshi no kenkyū (A study of cities in the middle ages) (Tokyo: Dai Nihon Yūbenkai Kōdansha, 1942)Google Scholar; Takeshi, Toyoda^f “Toshi oyobi za no hattatsu” (The growth of cities and guilds), Shin Nihonshi kōza, 4 (1948).Google Scholar

⁸ Yasuzō, Horie states in his “The Life Structure of the Japanese People in Its Historical Aspects,” Kyoto University Economic Review, 21.1 (04 1951), 20–21Google Scholar, “… in the case of Japan the feudal system was a manifestation of the traditional family-like structure of life…. Thereby it prevented the healthy maturing of urban society and caused the development of urban society to be deformed.”

⁹ This is brought out clearly in Tomohiko, Harada, “Chūsei toshi no jichi teki kyodo soshiki ni tsuite.” (On the self-governing communal organization of the medieval town), Rekishigaku kenkyū, 156 (03 1952), 1–13Google Scholar. See also Harada, , Chūsei ni okeru toshi, 253–255Google Scholar; Nagashima, , 47–51Google Scholar; Murayama, , 124–132.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Many of these developments have been summarized by Brown, Delmer, Money Economy in Medieval Japan (New Haven: Far Eastern Monographic Series, No. 1, 1951).Google Scholar

¹¹ Note the descriptions of Sakai in 1561–1562 by the Jesuit Vilela. Quoted in Murdoch, James and Yamagata, Isoh, A History of Japan (London: Kegan Paul, 1925), 2:147.Google Scholar

¹² Yosoburo, Takekoshi, The Economic Aspects of the History of the Civilization of Japan (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1930), 1:362.Google Scholar

¹³ Harada, Chūsei ni okeru toshi, 259–264.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Naojirō, Nishida^g, Nihon bunkashi josetsu (An introduction to the cultural history of Japan) (Tokyo: Kaizōsha, 1932), 480.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The story of the fall of Sakai is told by Takekoshi, , 1:363–364Google Scholar. For a penetrating analysis of some of the weaknesses of the Sakai merchants see Yoshio, Sakata^h, Chōnin, (Merchants) (Tokyo: Kōbundō, 1939), 156–158Google Scholar. A detailed study of the fall of Nara under Hideyoshi's feudal control is contained in Fukutarō, Nagashima, “Toyotomi Hideyoshi no toshi seisaku ippan,” (An example of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's policy towards towns), Shigaku zasshi, 59.4 (08 1950), 58–64.Google Scholar

¹⁶ The standard exposition of this thesis is found in Kichiji, Nakamuraⁱ, Nihon hōkensei saihenseishi (A history of the refeudalization of Japan) (Tokyo: Mikasa Shobo, 1939).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Japanese scholars have recently devoted considerable attention to the subject of the emergence of the kinsei daimyō “modern daimyo.” For an analysis of the feudal lords who preceded the daimyo see Keiji, Nagahara^j and Hiroshi, Sugiyama^k, “Shugo ryōkokusei no tenkai,” (The development of the shugo domain), Shakai keizaishigaku, 17.2 (1951)Google Scholar. On the modern daimyo themselves, the outstanding author is Itō Tasaburō^l. Of his many writings see “Kinsei daimyō kenkyū josetsu” (An introduction to the study of the modern daimyo), Shigaku zasshi, 55.9 (09 1944), 1–46Google Scholar; 55.11 (Nov. 1944), 46–106. His Nihon hōkenseido shi (A history of Japanese feudalism) (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1951)Google Scholar, is useful as a brief survey. The establishment of the Bizen domain of central Japan is being made the theme of joint study by members of the University of Michigan Center for Japanese Studies.

¹⁸ Brown, Delmer M. “The Impact of Firearms on Japanese Warfare, 1543–98,” FEQ, 8 (05 1948), 236–253.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Reischauer, Edwin O., Japan Past and Present (2nd ed., New York: Knopf, 1952), 77.Google Scholar

²⁰ For some recent analytical studies of the baku-han system see particularly: Tasaburō, Itō, “Baku-han taisei” (The baku-han structure), Shin Nihonshi kōza, 11 (1947)Google Scholar; and Rintarō, Imai^m, “Baku-hansei no seiritsu” (The establishment of the baku-han system), Nihon rekishi kōza, 4 (1952), 103–121.Google Scholar

²¹ Japanese interest'in the castle town is indicated by the fact that the 1954 symposium of the Jimbunchiri Gakkai of Kyoto dealt with this subject. A mimeographed bibliography prepared for this symposium entitled Jōkamachi kankei bunken mokuroku (A bibliography of materials on the castle town) has been extremely helpful in the preparation of this article. Among the general works consulted on the subject the following have been found most useful: Hitoshi, Onoⁿ, Kinsei jōkamachi no kenkyū (A study of the modern castle town) (Tokyo: Shibundō, 1928)Google Scholar; Terutsugu, Ono^o [Hitoshi], “Kinsei toshi no hattatsu” (The growth of the modern town), Iwanami kōza, Nihon rekishi, 11.4 (1934)Google Scholar; Tomohiko, Harada, “Toshi no hattatsu” (The growth of cities) in Tsuchiya Takao^p, Hōken shakai no kōzō bunseki (An analysis of the structure of feudal society) (Tokyo: Keisō Shobō, 1950), 95–124Google Scholar; Takeshi, Toyoda, Nihon no hōken toshi (Feudal cities of Japan) (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1952).Google Scholar

²² Many of the so-called “new castles” were built on sites previously occupied by minor fortifications of one kind or another. But the fortresses built after 1575 were seldom dependent upon these earlier structures. In terms of size and conception they were literally new creations. The most familiar example is Edo which was converted from a small fortified outpost into the greatest fortress in Japan from 1590 to 1606.

²³ This list includes the major castles built or rebuilt in new style between these years. The order is chronological according to the dates on which construction was begun. Data is taken from Noboru, Ōrui^q and Masa, Toba^r, Nihon jōkakushi (History of | Japanese castles) (Tokyo: Yūzankaku, 1936), 528–533Google Scholar; and Toyoda, , Nihon no hoken toshi, 89–90.Google Scholar

²⁴ Toshiki, Imai^s, Toshi hattatsushi kenkyū (Studies in the history of urban development) (Tokyo: Tōkyō Daigaku Shuppambu, 1951), 206Google Scholar. In establishing the castle town of Sendai in 1591, the Date daimyo abandoned a former site at Yonezawa which was too far removed from the center of domain communication and too circumscribed in space. Yonezawa had a population of about 6,000. Sendai attained a population of over 60,000 within a generation after the erection of the new castle. Iinkai, Sendai Shishi Hensan^t, Sendai no rekishi (The history of Sendai) (Sendai: Sendai Shiyakusho, 1949), 23–28.Google Scholar

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²⁷ For detailed descriptions of these and other Japanese castles see Ōrui and Toba; and Shigeharu, Furukawa^w, Nihon jōkakukō (A study of Japanese castles) (Tokyo: Kojinsha, 1936).Google Scholar

²⁸ The Sendai domain maintained a system of alternate residence between castle town and fief for the major fief-holding vassals. Iinkai, Sendai Shishi Hensan, 28–29.Google Scholar

²⁹ On the morphology of jōkamachi the following specialized studies have been found most useful: Akira, Obata^x, “Kyū jōkamachi keikan” (A view of former castle towns), Chiri ronsō, 7 (1935), 31–76Google Scholar; and Masanori, Nago^y, “Okazaki jōkamachi no rekishichiri teki kenkyū” (A study of the castle town of Okazaki from the point of view of historical geography), Rekishigaku kenkyū, 8.7 (07, 1938), 71–103.Google Scholar

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³¹ Toyoda, , Nihon no hōken toshi, 148–154Google Scholar; Iinkai, Sendai Shishi Hensan, 156–157Google Scholar; Madoka, Kanai^aa, “Hitotsu no han no sōjinkō” (On the total population of one han [Okayama]), Nippon rekishi, 67.12 (12 1953), 38–39.Google Scholar

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⁴¹ A classical statement of this concept is found in Kumazawa Banzan's Daigaku wakumon: “The lord of a province is appointed by Heaven to be the father and mother of that province.” Quoted in Fisher, Galen M., “Kumazawa Banzan, His Life and Ideals,” TASJ, 2nd Ser., 14 (1938), 267.Google Scholar

⁴² Maps of the Tokugawa period record between 148 and 164 active castles. Hall, R. B., 184Google Scholar. Orui and Toba list 186 castles at the end of the Tokugawa period (pp. 694–705).

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⁴⁴ With the promulgation of the new law of local administration in 1888, 39 legal cities (shi) were created. Of these 33 were former jōkamachi.

⁴⁵ Sekiyama, , 232–233Google Scholar. In the above calculations the cities of Kyoto and Fushimi have been listed as administrative towns.

⁴⁶ For a study of local administration based on materials in the archives of the former Bizen (Okayama) daimyo see Hall, John W., “Tokugawa Local Government and Its Contributions to the Modern Japanese State,” Paper read at the annual meeting of the Far Eastern Association, 1953.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Even in 19th century Europe few cities other than national capitals rose to over 100,000 population. The evenness of Japan's urban growth was thus remarkable. Toshiki, Imai, 208.Google Scholar

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⁴⁹ Griffis, William Elliot, The Mikado's Empire (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1906), 2:526Google Scholar, rejoicing at the changes which followed the abolition of the Fukui han wrote: “The local officials of Fukui are to be reduced from five hundred to seventy. The incubus of yakuninerie is being thrown off. Japan's greatest curse for ages has been an excess of officials and lazy rice-eaters who do not work.”

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⁵³ For a recent and novel approach to this subject see Ichirō, Ishida^ac, “Kinsei bunka no tenkai” (The development of early modern culture), Shin Nihonshi taikei, Vol. 4: Kinsei shakai (Tokyo: Asakura Shoten, 1952), 308–415Google Scholar, esp. 410–415.

⁵⁴ Griffis (p. 430) describes his first impression of Fukui in 1871 as follows: “I was amazed at the utter poverty of the people, the contemptible houses, and the tumbledown look of the city…”

⁵⁵ I do not ignore the fact that in some han the bushi still retained their Iandholdings or that in the late Tokugawa and early Meiji periods a considerable number of bushi were “returned” to the land.

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