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⁵ This was the problem at issue in a recent pair of Boston Globe reporters' failings. One reporter, the black woman Patricia Smith, made up people and quotes. Another, the white male Mike Barnicle, put forward the jokes of comedian George Carlin as his own thoughts (in his smugly titled column “I was just thinking …”). Journalist Howell Raines, whose newspaper (the New York Times) owns the Globe, supposes the Globe was racist and sexist in firing Smith but not Barnicle; but he also supposes that journalism and the credibility of the press in general were harmed by keeping Barnicle on the job (“The High Price of Reprieving Mike Barnicle,” New York Times, 08 13, 1998, editorial page A22Google Scholar). In the end, Barnicle was forced to resign after it was discovered that he had earlier written a story that could not be verified and that did not fit the facts of the time (Barringer, Felicity, “Boston Globe Columnist Resigns Over Authenticity of 1995 Story,” New York Times, 08 20, 1998, A1, A16).Google Scholar

⁶ See Fearon, James D., “Electoral Accountability and the Control of Politicians: Selecting Good Types versus Sanctioning Poor Performance,” in Democracy, Accountability, and Repre sentation, ed. Manin, Bernard, Przeworski, Adam, and Stokes, Susan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).Google Scholar

⁷ Rostenkowski, a powerful Democratic member of Congress from Illinois who was chair man of the House Ways and Means Committee, was accused of misuse of public funds and defeated for reelection from a normally safe Democratic district in 1994. Hence, he was actually held accountable by the electorate for his abuse of office rather than for his policy positions. He was later convicted and served a brief time in jail. Clinton was held account able by Republicans in the House of Representatives much more than by the electorate for his sexual indiscretions and his deceitful misstatements about them in court depositions.

⁸ Downs, , An Economic Theory of DemocracyGoogle Scholar; Schumpeter, Joseph, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, 3d ed. (New York: Harper, 1950).Google Scholar

⁹ Schumpeter, , Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, 262.Google Scholar

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¹³ It is not impossible for someone to establish credible commitments to well-defined positions. For example, sometimes it is possible to appoint judges with fairly sure expectations of how they will behave in office, because they might have extensive records of performance on lower courts when there is little reason to think that this performance was opportunistically guided. Nevertheless, there are famous betrayals by judges who have gone on to change their positions after appointment to a higher court, as President Dwight David Eisenhower reputedly thought Chief Justice Earl Warren betrayed his expectations.

¹⁴ For an account of this episode, see Levi, Margaret, Consent, Dissent, and Patriotism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 153–60, esp. 154.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁵ Condorcet, Jean Antoine, “Essay on the Application of Mathematics to the Theory of Decision-Making” [1795], in Selected Writings (Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 1999).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Burke's views appear throughout his works. See, e.g., “Speech to the Electors of Bristol” [1774], in Representation, ed. Pitkin, Hanna (New York: Atherton, 1969), esp. 174–75Google Scholar; and “Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs” [1791], in The Works of Edmund Burke (London: George Bell and Sons, 1901), 3:85–87.Google Scholar For later views, see Oakeshott, Michael, Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays (New York: Harper Collins, 1962), esp.Google Scholar the essay, “On Being a Conservative.”

¹⁷ Hardin, Russell, “Do We Want Trust in Government?” in Democracy and Trust, ed. Warren, Mark (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 22–41Google Scholar; Hardin, , “Trust in Government,” in Trust and Governance, ed. Braithwaite, Valerie and Levi, Margaret (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1998), 9–27.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Brown, Rebecca L., “Accountability, Liberty, and the Constitution,” Columbia Law Review 98 (04 1998): 531–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁹ See Hardin, Russell, “Institutional Commitment: Values or Incentives?” in Economics, Values, and Organization, ed. Ben-Ner, Avner and Putterman, Louis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 419–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ The median levels were 15 and 5 percent, respectively (Kull, , Destler, , and Ramsay, , The Foreign Policy CapGoogle Scholar). The initial poll was done in January 1995. (See Greenhouse, Steven, “Foreign Aid: Under Siege in the Budget Wars,” New York Times, 04 30, 1995, section 4, p. 4.Google Scholar) Other polls have yielded even more extreme results. Foreign aid does not include military assistance; including such assistance would still put the popular estimate far out of line with the facts. When this clarification was added to a follow-up poll in 1996, however, popular estimates of how much aid went for purely economic assistance and development were higher than in the poll cited here.

²¹ Firestone, David, “Being a Politician Means Never Having to Say You're Sorry,” New York Times, 08 23, 1998, section 4, p. 2.Google Scholar

²² Kinsley, Michael, “The Intellectual Free Lunch,” New Yorker, 02 6, 1995, 4–5.Google Scholar

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