¹ Remington, Frederic, “Chicago under the Mob,” “Chicago under the Law,” and “The Withdrawal of U.S. Troops,” in Harper's Weekly, July 21, 28, Aug. 11, 1894Google Scholar. The author thanks Joyce Appleby, Graham Cassano, Allesandro Duranti, Naomi Lamoreaux, and John Laslett for their help and support.

² , Remington, “Chicago under the Law.”Google ScholarOn Remington's views of immigrants and minorities, seeMcCullough, David, “Remington—The Man” in Shapiro, Michael Edward and Hassrick's, Peter H.Frederic Remington: The Masterworks (New York, 1991), 28–29Google Scholar. Remington's literary techniques in regard to the Pullman Strike are explored inBuckland, Roscoe L., Frederic Remington: The Writer (New York, 2000), 74–75Google Scholar; andVorpahl, Ben Merchant, Frederic Remington and the West: With the Eye of the Mind (Austin, 1978), 171Google Scholar. See alsoNemerov, Alexander, Frederic Remington and Turn-ofthe-Century America (New Haven, 1995), 112–13Google Scholar.

³ A number of histories deal with the Pullman Strike:Iindsey, Almont, The Pullman Strike: The Story of a Unique Experiment and of a Great Labor Upheaval, (1942; repr. Chicago, 1971)Google Scholar;Papke, David Ray, The Pullman Case: The Clash of Labor and Capital in Industrial America (Lawrence, KS, 1999)Google Scholar;Manning, Thomas, The Chicago Strike of 1894: Industrial Labor in the Late Nineteenth Century (New York, 1960)Google Scholar;Smith, Carl, Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, the Haymarket Bomb, and the Model Town of Pullman (Chicago, 1995)Google Scholar.

⁴ See especially the essays inSchneirov, Richard, Stromquist, Shelton, and Salvatore, Nick, eds., The Pullman Strike and the Crisis of the 1890's: Essays on Labor and Politics, (Urbana, 1999)Google Scholar;Ayotte, Kevin, “Constructions of Violence: Labor, Capital, and Hegemonic Struggle in the Pullman Strike of 1894” in Turning the Century: Essays in Media and Cultural Studies, ed. Stabile, Carol A. (Boulder, CO, 2000)Google Scholar;, Papke, The Pullman CaseGoogle Scholar.

⁵ Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed. (London, 1991), 6–7Google Scholar;Sahlins, Peter, Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees (Berkeley, 1989)Google Scholar. There is a growing body of literature on nationalism, within which one finds numerous definitions of the term. For a good overview of the theoretical issues involved in defining nationalism, seeSmith, Anthony, Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History (Cambridge, 2001)Google Scholar. My view of nationalism combines Benedict Anderson's notion of popular imagined construction with elements of Peter Sahlin's concept of exclusivity and Anthony Marx's and Anthony Smith's arguments about the ethnic, restrictive roots of national identity in the West. SeeMarx, Anthony, Faith in Nation: Exclusionary Origins of Nationalism (New York, 2003)Google Scholar; andSmith, Anthony D., The Ethnic Origins of Nations (New York, 1986)Google Scholar.

⁶ See Gerstle, Gary, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 2001)Google Scholar. Wilbur Zelinsky argues that America provides an especially good case study because it is “the purest instance of state and nation formation uncorrupted by older mentors or irrelevant complexities.” See , Zelinsky, Nation into State: The Shifting Symbolic Foundations of American Nationalism (Chapel Hill, 1988), 18Google Scholar.

⁷ On popular antimonopolist sentiment at the time, see Huston, James L., Securing the Fruits of Labor: The American Concept of Wealth Distribution, 1765–1900 (Baton Rouge, 1998)Google Scholar.

⁸ Sources include the New York Times, New York World, Chicago Tribune, Chicago Times, San Francisco Chronick, Baltimore Sun, Los Angeles Times, New Orleans Picayune, The Railway Times, The Arena, Harper's Monthly, Harper's Weekly, Railroad Trainmen's Journal, American Federationist, Nation, and Boston Labor Leader.

⁹ On news framing, see Reese, Stephen et al., Framing Public Life: Perspectives on Media and Our Understanding of the Social World (Mahwah, NJ, 2001)Google Scholar;Glasser, Theodore, ed., The Idea of Public Journalism (New York, 1999), xviGoogle Scholar;Goffman, Erving, Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organisation of Experience (New York, 1974)Google Scholar;Baran, Stanley J., Mass Communication Theory: Foundations, Ferment, and Future, 2nd ed. (Belmont, CA, 2000)Google Scholar;Bennett, Lance, News: The Politics of Illusion, 2nd ed. (New York, 1988)Google Scholar. Also Rachlin, Allan, News as Hegemonic Reality: American Political Culture and the Framing of News Accounts (New York, 1988)Google Scholar;Tuchman, Gaye, Making News: A Study in the Construction of Reality (New York, 1978)Google Scholar;Schiller, Dan, Objectivity and the News (Philadelphia, 1981)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ , Remington, “Chicago under the Mob.”Google Scholar

¹¹ Hofstadter, Richard, “Manifest Destiny and the Philippines” in The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays (New York, 1965), 148.Google Scholar

¹² On the 1877 Railroad Strike,Bruce, Robert V., 1877: Year of Violence (1959, repr. Chicago, 1970)Google Scholar;Foner, Philip S., The Great Labor Uprising of 1877 (New York, 1977) andGoogle ScholarStowell, David O., Streets, Railroads, and the Great Strike of 1877 (Chicago, 1999)Google Scholar. For an overview of the Great Upheaval of the 1880s,Brecher, Jeremy, Strike! (Boston, 1997)Google Scholar.

¹³ Marx, Leo, The Machine in the Garden: Technology and the Pastoral Ideal in America (New York, 1964)Google Scholar.Perlmutter, Philip, Divided We Fall: A History of Ethnic, Religious, and Racial Prejudice in America (Ames, IA, 1992), 166–77Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Curran, Thomas J., Xenophobia and Immigration, 1820–1930 (Boston, 1975), ch. 7.Google Scholar

¹⁵ , Sahlins, Boundaries, 270–71.Google Scholar

¹⁶ As Ross Poole aptly puts it, “The nation is not just a form of consciousness, it is also a form of self consciousness.”Poole, Ross, Nation and Identity (London, 1999), 12CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷ , Marx, Faith in Nation.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Quoted in , McCullough, “Remington-The Man,” 28–29.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Other “great perils” that Strong warned of, including Catholicism, socialism, urbanization, and alcoholism, were also connected to immigration in this period.Strong, Josiah, Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis (New York, 1885)Google Scholar. As Anthony Marx argues, nationalist identity has been historically “consolidated from below and harnessed from above.”, Marx, Faith in Nation, 194Google Scholar. On the prevalence of negative ethnic stereotypes in popular fiction in the 1890s, see Irving, Katrina, Immigrant Mothers: Narratives of Race and Maternity, 1890–1925 (Urbana, 2000)Google Scholar.

²⁰ See Collomp, Catherine, “Unions, Civics, and National Identity: Organized Labor's Reaction to Immigration, 1881–1897,” Labor History 29 (Fall 1988): 450–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹ Conby, Noble, “The Immigrant Question,” repr. in RailroadTrainmen's Journal, Jan. 1893, 98–99Google Scholar; proceedings of 1890 AFL convention, quoted in Catherine , Collomp, “Unions, Civics, and National Identity,” 454Google Scholar, also 456.

²² Higham, John, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (1955; repr. New York, 1963), 4Google Scholar;Boyer, Paul, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820–1920 (Cambridge, MA, 1978), 126Google Scholar.

²³ See, for instance,Saxton, Alexander, The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley, 1995)Google Scholar;, Higham, Strangers in the LandGoogle Scholar,Rockaway, Robert and Gutfeld, Arnon, “Demonic Images of the Jew in the Nineteenth Century United States,” Jewish American History 89 (Dec. 2002): 355–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar;Katz, Mark Philip, From Appomattox to Montmartre: Americans and the Paris Commune (Cambridge, MA, 1998)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Importantly, they did not all agree on which groups were most dangerous. Rather, the culprit was often the nebulous “foreigners.”

²⁵ , Higham, Strangers in the Land, 71–74Google Scholar;Kaplan, Amy, The Anarchy of Umpire in the Making of U.S. Culture (Cambridge, MA, 2002)Google Scholar. On race and nationalism in the 1890s, see Blum, Edward J., Reforging the White Republic: Race, Religion, and American Nationalism, 1865–1898 (Baton Rouge, 2005), ch. 7Google Scholar.

²⁶ , Papke, Puilman CaseGoogle Scholar, ch. 1. It must be noted that Pullman was not alone in his hope for his city. As Carl Smith notes, “Virtually all of the early commentary on the town by outsiders made, if anything, even greater claims for Pullman's achievement than he himself did.”, Smith, Urban Disorder, 184Google Scholar.

²⁷ Notably, Pullman also hired African Americans as porters., Papke, Pullman Case, 12Google Scholar. Pullman sought to transform the workers themselves, to “bring out the highest and best there is in them,” according to a celebratory corporate history. Quoted from [Doty?] The Story of Pullman in , Smith, Urban Disorder, 195Google Scholar.

²⁸ On Debs's life, see Salvatore, Nick, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana, 1982)Google Scholar;Ginger, Ray, Eugene V. Debs: A Biography (New York, 1949)Google Scholar;Karsner, David, Debs: His Authorised Life and Letters (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1920)Google Scholar.

²⁹ On Debs and the strike, see , Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs, ch. 5Google Scholar.

³⁰ “To the Bitter End,” Chicago Times, June 16, 1894.Google Scholar

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³³ New York Times, June 27, 1894Google Scholar;Baltimore Sun, June 27, 1894Google Scholar.

³⁴ A survey of the press and the strike appears in , Lindsey, Pullman Strike, ch. 13Google Scholar;New York Times, July 1, 1894Google Scholar;New York Worldly 12, 1894Google Scholar.

³⁵ Brian, Denis, Pulitzer: A Life (New York, 2001), 178–79.Google Scholar

³⁶ Nord, David Paul, “The Business Values of American Newspapers: The Nineteenth-Century Watershed,” ch. 6Google Scholarin Communities of Journalism: A History of American Newspapers and Their Readers (Urbana, 2001), 143Google Scholar.

³⁷ New York World, July 4, 5, 1894.Google Scholar

³⁸ The New York Times ominously tided one piece “Debs Talks Wildly of Civil War,”New York Times, July 5, 1894Google Scholar.

³⁹ Chicago Tribune, July 2, 1894.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Hoist, H. von, “Are We Awakened?” Journal of Political Economy 2 (Sept. 1894): 487, 498.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Quoted in the New York World, July 13, 1894Google Scholar. At the same meeting, the crowd hissed at reformer Henry George for claiming that he was against strikes. Importantly, some condemned the strike, such as former Knights of Labor grand workman Terence Powderly, who explained that this strike was due to a power struggle between Debs and Pullman over who should control the rails. Powderly explained, “Neither Mr. Pullman nor Mr. Debs should be the arbiter in this matter, but those who stand higher-the great American People”; quoted in “Powderly Condemns Strikes,”New York Times, July 2, 1894Google Scholar.

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⁴³ Quoted in Ginger, Ray, Altgeld's America: The Lincoln Ideal Versus Changing Realities (1958; repr. Chicago, 1965), 85Google Scholar

⁴⁴ New York Times, July 7, 1894Google Scholar;Chicago Tribune, July 7, 1894Google Scholar; Chicago Evening Journal and Harper's Weekly, quoted in , Lindsey, The Pullman Strike, 192–93Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Quoted in , Higham, Strangers in the Land, 55Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ “Fired Point-Blank into the Mob,” New York World, July 8, 1894.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ New York World, July 10, 1894Google Scholar;, Remington, “Chicago Under the Mob” Harper's Weekly, July 21, 1894Google Scholar. “Trades Unions Blamed,”New York Times, July 23, 1894Google Scholar. Most newspapers recognized Chicago to be the “principal theater of action,” in the words of theSan Francisco Chronicle.

⁴⁹ Washington Post, July 6, 1894.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Harper's Weekly, July 7, 1894Google Scholar;Chicago Evening Post quoted in Chicago Tribune, July 3, 1894Google Scholar;Nation, July 19, 1894Google Scholar;Railroad Trainmen's Journal, Sept. 1894Google Scholar.

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⁵⁶ Washington Post, July 14, 1894Google Scholar. Citing “complications” around the “present crisis” that were “so grave in nature that we cannot advise a course which would but add to the general confusion,” the AFL declined to join the strike.

⁵⁷ The pro-labor Chicago Times recognized the antiunion slant of most coverage in a bluntly titled article,“Lies Are Too Numerous,” July 3, 1894Google Scholar. In response to the union boycott of the press, the New Orleans Picayune quipped on July 7, 1894Google Scholar, that the papers should “boycott” strike coverage, because “these things cannot live without publicity.”

⁵⁸ On Uncle Sam's origins and use, see Ketchum, Alton, “The Search for Uncle Sam,” History Today 40 (Apr. 1990): 20–26Google Scholar;Bivins, Thomas H., “The Body Politic: The Changing Shape of Uncle Sam,” Journalism Quarterly 64 (Spring 1987): 13–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁶⁰ Pittsburgh Dispatch, Wheeling Intelligencer, and St. Paul Globe articles repr. in Chicago Tribune, July 14, 15, 1894Google Scholar.

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⁶⁵ Ascribing influence to these periodicals is based on the centrality of text in the nineteenth century. This was a nation of readers, and newspapers provided a vital link to national affairs. Since the Civil War, newspaper readership had expanded greatly as illiteracy rates plummeted. In the last three decades of the century, circulation totals for daily publications had risen from 4,000 to over 12,000. During the strike, the press sold even more papers. The Chicago Times, for instance, gained 16,032 new readers in week one of the strike and would gain many more by strike's end. On the growth and influence of the press, see Emery, Michael, Emery, Edwin, and Roberts, Nancy L., The Press in America: An Interpretive History of the Mass Media, 9th ed. (Boston, 2000), 157Google Scholar.

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