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While territories are socially produced spaces, the role of the environment in their constitution cannot be overlooked. In recent decades an environmentalist paradigm has captured the historical imagination to reveal the mutual transformations that characterize the relationship between the environment and human beings. The varied literature that has developed on this theme of environmental history has restored the environment to the center stage of history. Within the South Asian context, recent studies of the environment have examined the role of climate, health and disease and forests in the social, political and economic history of the subcontinent. This chapter builds on these insights in order to gain a better understanding of the connections between the environment and the socio-political forces acting on them that ultimately mediated the production of territory. In order to better understand the spatial dimensions of processes of state formation on the Anglo–Gorkha frontier, the relationships between the environment, land and labor in the production of territory needs to be emphasized. Interactions between human beings and their environment shaped the cultures of governance on this frontier in important ways, producing fluctuating histories of land control.
Territorial relationships between different polities possessed the characteristic forms of the property system, but on the largest possible scales. Thus, at their edges territorial jurisdictions began to intermingle, while the revenues of some reign - sometimes of whole polities - might well be shared, both parties more than likely organizing their own administrations in the regions concerned. This closely mirrored the tendency of military leaders in the Deccan to hold properties under the jurisdictions of more than one power, and of each holder of fiscal rights in a particular locus to have his own collectorate, a plurality of such collectors descending on the countryside at harvest time.
—Frank Perlin
The boundaries of this state [of Jhansi, in North India] which consist of so many parts cannot be described in aggregation.
—Capt. J. Franklin
There is a very extraordinary variety between Pergannahs and even Talooks on every point on which comparison can be made, and the circumstances combined with the undoubted habit of the royts to migrate from place to place renders it indispensable that every statistical enquiry to be correct should be recent in date and narrowed in locality.{…]
But it is the case, I believe, that we would not have had empire itself, as well as many forms of historiography, anthropology, sociology, and modern legal structures, without important philosophical and imaginative processes at work in the production as well as the acquisition, subordination, and settlement of space.
—Edward W. Said
European states made their power visible not only through ritual performance and dramatic display, but through the gradual extension of “officializing” procedures and routines, through the capacity to bound and mark space, to record transactions such as the sale of property, to count and classify their populations, to gradually replace religious institutions as the registrar of the life-cycle facts of birth, marriage, and death, and finally to become the natural embodiment of history, territory, and society.
—Bernard S. Cohn and Nicholas B. Dirks
Introduction: Indigenous Maps and Representations of Territory
This book has tried to spin a shared spatial thread to join two dispersed narratives. The first examines the spatial substance of the Anglo–Gorkha disputes in order to better understand the organization of territory along that frontier. The defeat of the Gorkhalis by the East India Company meant the gradual insertion of the second narrative, whereby a specific colonial vision of territory gradually overshadowed older ways of organizing state territories in South Asia. This vision found its material expression in modern surveying and mapmaking exercises undertaken initially by the colonial state and then by succeeding postcolonial regimes.
Should it therefore please your Lordship [the English governor-general] to order the delivery of those [disputed] places to the officers of the Gurkha government upon the same terms they are retained by the Raja of Palpa, they shall without hesitation submit to the affixed tribute, or if the retention of the different places in the possession of either state independent of each other is preferred, it would be just and proper since the object of either of those proposals is to remove all misunderstandings […] God almighty has conferred the extensive territories of Hindustan long governed by foreigners on the British Nation. In like manner has he bestowed the territories on the hills on the Gurkhas and both nations have at length reached the banks of the Sutlej to give stability to ancient customs.
—Girbana Juddha Bikram Shah, the raja of Gorkha to the governor-general, August 1814
Introduction
In the eighteenth century the Gorakhpur–Butwal frontier, which was formed of a patchy collection of forests, waste lands, marshes and cultivated fields, straddled the kingdoms of Awadh and the hill principalities to its north.
[…] the British possessions, […] as classed by governments and revenue or judicial divisions, must be considered only approximations to truth on a subject, in its nature of great difficulty, and which has hitherto not received from the Indian authorities the degree of attention which its practical value and importance is entitled to.
—John Crawfurd
Introduction: The Constitution of Order on the Champaran–Tarriani Frontier, 1765–1814
Between 1765 and 1814, Gorkha and the English East India Company witnessed a phase of territorial expansion which culminated in the outbreak of serious territorial disputes along the Champaran–Tarriani frontier. This section of the Anglo–Gorkha frontier stretched across Gorkha's Eastern Tarai districts and the northern reaches of the district of Champaran (in Bihar) that fell under the jurisdiction of the Company (see Map 3.1). Gorkha's Eastern Tarai, which was made up of the districts of Chitwan (formerly Marjyadpur), Parsa, Bara, Rautahat, Saptari and Mahottari, was placed under the charge of officials who exercised civil, military and judicial powers. During the reign of King Girbana Juddha Bikram Shah (1799–1816), numerous land grants were issued conferring new rights or reconfirming preexisting arrangements that had been instituted by the preceding Sen rulers of Makwanpur, Tanahu, Chaudandi and Bijaypur.
The word [state] commonly denotes no class of objects that can be identified exactly, and for the same reason it signifies no list of attributes which bears the sanction of common usage.
—George Sabine
[…] we recognise space as the product of interrelations; as constituted through interactions, from the immensity of the global to the intimately tiny.
—Doreen Massey
Approaching States and Statemaking
It was the start of a warm day in the month of Jeyt in 2046 BS (May/June 1989 CE) when I awoke at 4.00am to undertake the six-hour trek to the Indian border. I had been living in a small town, in Far Western Nepal, teaching in a public school and now had to travel to Delhi to repair school equipment and purchase textbooks. I trudged along under the weight of a backpack full with nearly thirty mismatched pounds of damaged machine parts, punctured soccer balls and books in need of binding. As the day headed purposefully towards its consummation in a scorching finale of 110 degree Fahrenheit, I broke for a cup of tea along the Mohana River which marked the Indo–Nepal boundary. Always a porous zone of flows, this section of the Indo–Nepal boundary had been a mobile space attracting traders, migrant labor, smugglers and tourists alike.
Today […] it is space more than time that hides consequences from us, the “making of geography” more than the “making of history” that provides the most revealing tactical and theoretical world. This is the insistent premise and promise of postmodern geographies.
—Edward W. Soja
In the eighteenth century modern states in Europe, the Americas and some parts of the “non-Western” world, embarked on a long and sometimes contentious process of demarcating their boundaries, both internal and international. An older spatial regime based on “jurisdictional sovereignty” gradually gave way to one based on the notion of “territorial sovereignty,” and there are many nuances, aporias and variations in how this project unfolded and ultimately transformed the territorial structure of the state. Throughout this process, surveying and mapmaking operations played an important role, initially in an uncoordinated fashion, in excavating the country's older territorial divisions as a prelude to their rearrangement. Within Great Britain, Christopher Saxton's sixteenth-century county maps made possible the assembling of a national map. Even so, Great Britain's administrative geography continued to be characterized by an unwieldy agglomeration of as many as 15 different levels of local authority, involving civil, criminal and ecclesiastical jurisdictions.