The chronological history of Eustathius of Epiphania (in Syria) covered events from Adam until AD 503. It consists of two parts, probably a part with sacred history from Creation until the Sack of Jerusalem and a second part with secular history from Aeneas until Eustathius’ own time. Eustathius is the only known Greek chronographer who preferred the chronology of the Hebrew Bible to that of the Septuagint. As a consequence, he defends a very early start of the Christian era in AM 4350. Eustathius relied on earlier histories and summarised these: a summary of the Jewish Antiquities of Flavius Josephus is preserved. Scholars have argued that Eustathius was a major source for a range of later authors (including John Malalas and Theophanes the Confessor), but we argue for a more cautious view.

Pyrrho is a further unknown chronographer from the sixth or seventh century, whose only remaining fragment discusses the chronology of Adam.

Chapter 8 explores how technologies can be used to imitate and challenge the gods. Lucian’s Icaromenippus is analysed first in terms of how the text reimagines divine and human realms as mechanically bridgeable, and then for the possible theomachic implications of the protagonist’s flight. Lucian’s Icaromenippus demonstrates that technologies are integral to navigating the junction between human and divine, but there are also hints that this can be manipulated in ways that pose threats to the existing divine order. The suggestion that Menippus’ actions mark him out as a pseudo or fake god provides a useful entry point for discussion of the issue of technology as a tool for theomachy more generally in the Greek cultural imagination including in figures like Salmoneus.

Two of the three references to a source called Irenaeus cannot be traced to the second-century theologian Irenaeus of Lyons. We argue that in this case John Malalas most likely added the name of Irenaeus, which he had found in Eusebius, to two unrelated pieces of information in order to generate the impression of great learning for his chronicle.

This chapter argues that there was significant competition for junior senatorial positions during the early-imperial period. The number of eligible candidates in Italy alone exceeded the available positions with a wide margin. Moreover, the inclusion of increasing numbers of provincials further intensified the competition. Selection occurred across several stages—the latus clavus, vigintivirates, and quaestorship—mitigating potential friction that could arise among competing candidates and their supporters.

This chapter investigates the variation in the governing bodies (the curial councils) of the Italian civitates. It focuses on two aspects: the number of decurions and the census qualification for council entry. The evidence reveals a similar pattern for both of these aspects: medium-sized and larger civitates adhered to ‘canonical’ values (a hundred decurions with at least HS 100,000, likely inspired by Roman tradition), while smaller civitates deviated from this canon, probably due to local economic constraints.

This chapter recapitulates the main findings of this study, relating them to the concepts of ‘oligarchy’, the boni and different forms of social power.

Not all persons sui iuris with the requisite wealth for municipal office were represented in the local municipal councils. This chapter assesses the prevalence of four different groups of such individuals in early-imperial Italy: the Augustales, male minors and women sui iuris, and persons lacking local citizenship (incolae and attributi).

This chapter contends that Italy was exceptionally wealthy during the Early Empire, both in real and nominal terms. Italy’s prosperity stemmed from several sources: substantial booty, taxes, and rents were diverted from the provinces to the empire’s core; provincial elites engaged in imperial politics were expected to spend lavishly in Rome and its environs; and returns on Italian land were relatively high. Additionally, high prices in Italy for both real estate and commodities augmented Italy’s wealth in nominal terms.

This chapter argues that men with the requisite wealth for political office outside the political orders contributed to the stability of the Roman timocratic political system by serving as a reserve pool from which new magistrates and councillors were recruited. Correspondences between the surpluses of wealthy households at the senatorial, equestrian, and curial levels of the political system, and evidence of shortages of candidates at these levels, substantiate this argument.