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As has been noted by Émile Benveniste (1969: 99–101), ‘order’ is an extremely important concept for Indo-Europeans and is represented by, inter alia, Greek ‘harmonia’, Sanskrit ṛtá, Avestan aša, and Old Persian arta, all of which descend from the same PIE root – *H2er- (to become adjusted, to fit). However, as Franklin has pointed out, the importance of order to Indo-Europeans is often discussed in light of the connection between arta and ṛtá. It is surprising that there have been scarcely any accounts of the striking similarities between harmonia and ṛtá, and my aim in this paper is to shed some light on that affinity. Harmonia was an important cosmological and ethical concept for Heraclitus, Empedocles and the so-called Pythagoreans; ṛtá, on the other hand, is considered by many to be the quintessence of Vedic philosophy. I argue that both these terms can be understood as abstract concepts of order, and I rely on evidence from the Ṛgveda and from the fragments of Heraclitus, Empedocles and Philolaus in order to do so. (For ṛtá see also Jurewicz in this volume.)
The first pressing problem concerning both terms is that they are not easily translatable. A cursory glance at any lexicon will demonstrate the vast range of meanings that ṛtá has; and harmonia isn't nearly as straightforward as most present-day translators have taken it to be – indeed much is lost in unhesitatingly translating it as ‘harmony’. Accordingly, I will begin with an overview of the various meanings of each of these terms before turning to the Ṛgvedic hymns and Pre-Socratic fragments in order to offer a conceptual comparison between the two.
Harmonia
I would like to begin with a brief note on the etymology of ‘harmonia’ (‘harmoniē’ in the Ionic Greek dialect). The abstract suffix ‘ia’, (-iə̯) is added to a conjectural theme *ar-mn, which itself presumably comes from the PIE root *H2er- (fit). Harmonia does not, of course, mean what contemporary music theorists define as ‘harmony’; indeed, as the other words that derive from this root suggest, the earliest uses of harmonia are not even specifically musical. For Homer, in whose works we find the first extant occurrence of the word, the primary meaning is ‘physical joining’ together of planks of wood. In the same corpus, though, we already encounter a more abstract meaning in the Iliad (22.255–6), where harmonia stands for ‘covenant’ or ‘agreement’.
Can a comparison between Indian and Greek philosophies abstract from history? Most scholars would agree that to isolate philosophical positions from the socio-cultural history in which they were formulated is artificial and problematic, but the question then becomes what sort of history is needed. Of course the Vedas were preceded by the Indus Valley civilisation and Homer by the Mycenaeans, but such precursors cast little light on philosophy and can be left to other specialists. So histories of Sanskrit thinking usually start with the Ṛgveda, much as their Greek equivalents start with Homer. No doubt many scholars take for granted that no other style of history is or ever will be feasible.
The assumption is paradoxical, however, since, as languages, Sanskrit and Greek have histories that go back well before the Vedas and Homer. For two centuries philologists have been writing their own sort of history, embodying many of their findings in the starred forms they attribute to the Indo-European protolanguage (usually dated to the fourth millennium BCE). This history involves semantics as well as phonology, and the well-known work of Benveniste (1969) studied the vocabulary of Indo-European institutions. Equally well-recognised are Calvert Watkins (1995), who applied a similar approach to the history of Indo-European poetical phraseology, and Martin West (2007), who in addition tackled some particular constructs found in Indo-European myth and epic.
More immediately relevant is the vast corpus of comparativism produced by Georges Dumézil (1898–1986), much of it addressing the Indo-European ‘trifunctional ideology’. Leaving the functions till later, I emphasise the word ‘ideology’, which Dumézil defines in various ways. Depending on viewpoint, it can be defined ‘either as a means of exploring material and moral reality or as a means of ordering the capital of ideas accepted by the society’. It was ‘at once an ideal and a way of analysing and interpreting the forces that ensure the smooth running of the world (le cours du monde) and the life of men’. Trifunctionality was ‘the framework (cadre) of a system of thought, an explanation of the world, in brief a theology and a philosophy, or, if you like, an ideology’.
The Dogheads … are just men who enjoy the greatest longevity of any people. (Ctesias F45.43)
Greek accounts
These three passages are almost the only references to the customs of any Indian peoples in what survives of Ctesias’ account of India. Ctesias of Cnidus was a physician who held a post at the court of the Persian King Artaxerxes I, probably from 415 to 398/7 BCE. He wrote an extensive account of Persian history in twenty- three books and a much shorter description of India in one book. His history of Persia is regarded as extremely unreliable, not least where it contradicts his predecessor Herodotus, but it probably contains much that was in oral circulation in Persian court circles. Ctesias’ Indica is the first monograph devoted in Greek (or any other language) to India: he did not visit India but recorded what he had learned from merchants, some of them Bactrian, visiting Persia from the Indus Valley and the ‘Silk Road’. His works are lost, but we possess long excerpts from both of them in the reading diary of the tenth-century Byzantine bishop Photius, as well as scattered quotations in other writers, notably Aelian. Most of the Indian extract is devoted to hydrography, to zoological and botanical marvels – griffins, poisonous birds, manticores – and to bizarre races like the Dog-headed people. By contrast, Megasthenes, who spent time at the court of Chandragupta Maurya in the early third century BCE, wrote a book which included extensive information on manners and customs, including (F27 Schwanbeck = FGrH 715F32) their simplicity and the infrequency of lawsuits among them.
This book offers the first comprehensive study of economic conditions and economic life in Roman cities during the late Republic and early Empire. By employing a sophisticated methodology based upon comparative evidence and contemporary economic theory, the author develops interlocking arguments about the relationship between four key attributes of urban economic life in Roman antiquity: the nature and magnitude of consumer demand; the structure of urban labour markets; the strategies devised by urban artisans in their efforts to navigate their social and economic environments; and the factors that served to limit both the overall performance of the Roman economy, and its potential for intensive growth. While the author's methodology and conclusions will be of particular interest to specialists in economic history, other readers will profit from his discussion of topics such as slavery and manumission, the economic significance of professional associations, and the impact of gender on economic behaviour.
This volume presents for the first time an in-depth analysis of the origins of Greek euergetism. Derived from the Greek for 'benefactor', 'euergetism' refers to the process whereby citizens and foreigners offered voluntary services and donations to the polis that were in turn recognised as benefactions in a formal act of reciprocation. Euergetism is key to our understanding of how city-states negotiated both the internal tensions between mass and elite, and their conflicts with external powers. This study adopts the standpoint of historical anthropology and seeks to identify patterns of behaviour and social practices deeply rooted in Greek society and in the long course of Greek history. It covers more than five hundred years and will appeal to ancient historians and scholars in other fields interested in gift exchange, benefactions, philanthropy, power relationships between mass and elite, and the interplay between public discourse and social praxis.
Prostitutes and Matrons in the Roman World is the first substantial account of elite Roman concubines and courtesans. Exploring the blurred line between proper matron and wicked prostitute, it illuminates the lives of sexually promiscuous women like Messalina and Clodia, as well as prostitutes with hearts of gold who saved Rome and their lovers in times of crisis. It also offers insights into the multiple functions of erotic imagery and the circumstances in which prostitutes could play prominent roles in Roman public and religious life. Tracing the evolution of social stereotypes and concepts of virtue and vice in ancient Rome, this volume reveals the range of life choices and sexual activity, beyond the traditional binary depiction of wives or prostitutes, that were available to Roman women.
The Roman Empire was one of the largest and most enduring in world history. In his new book, distinguished historian W. V. Harris sets out to explain, within an eclectic theoretical framework, the waxing and eventual waning of Roman imperial power, together with the Roman community's internal power structures (political power, social power, gender power and economic power). Effectively integrating analysis with a compelling narrative, he traces this linkage between the external and the internal through three very long periods, and part of the originality of the book is that it almost uniquely considers both the gradual rise of the Roman Empire and its demise as an empire in the fifth and seventh centuries AD. Professor Harris contends that comparing the Romans of these diverse periods sharply illuminates both the growth and the shrinkage of Roman power as well as the Empire's extraordinary durability.
This book is the first economic history of ancient Egypt covering the entire pharaonic period, 3000–30 BCE, and employing a New Institutional Economics approach. It argues that the ancient Egyptian state encouraged an increasingly widespread and sophisticated use of writing through time, primarily in order to better document and more efficiently exact taxes for redistribution. The increased use of writing, however, also resulted in increased documentation and enforcement of private property titles and transfers, gradually lowering their transaction costs relative to redistribution. The book also argues that the increasing use of silver as a unified measure of value, medium of exchange, and store of wealth also lowered transaction costs for high value exchanges. The increasing use of silver in turn allowed the state to exact transfer taxes in silver, providing it with an economic incentive to further document and enforce private property titles and transfers.