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This article examines why, beginning in 1946, the Brazilian government under President Eurico Dutra supplied arms to Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo, fuelling a regional arms race and reshaping Caribbean Basin dynamics at the onset of the Cold War. It argues that these transfers bypassed conventional diplomatic channels, reflected radical anti-communist currents within Dutra’s inner circle and undercut US non-proliferation efforts. Far from a passive ally, Brazil emerged as a pivotal, if under-recognised, actor in the continental polarisation that led to democratic collapse in Venezuela (1948), Cuba (1952) and Guatemala (1954). The article challenges assumptions of Brazil’s limited Latin American engagement and repositions Dutra’s foreign policy within broader continental strategies of ideological alignment and regional influence. Drawing on Brazilian diplomatic and press sources, as well as archival and printed materials from across Latin America, Europe and the United States, it addresses historiographical gaps around Dutra’s agency and reveals the material underpinnings of Trujillo’s aggression, contributing to a revised understanding of Brazil’s Cold War trajectory.
Mass street protests and other highly contentious actions often capture headlines and public attention, but what remains after the news cycle moves on? Many times, grassroots initiatives crystallise during or after these intense moments of participation, leaving in their wake effective organisations that continue to make daily life more liveable in contexts of extreme vulnerability. Despite the persistence and impact of these ‘things that work’ – as we call them – they are often less visible and understudied. How do these initiatives emerge and sustain themselves in the communities in which they work? Using ethnographic methods, we investigate the case of a community centre formed in the wake of a land occupation in the urban periphery of Buenos Aires to answer these questions. We argue that grassroots initiatives build local power through everyday care-work: forming relationships, changing identities and providing valuable services and information.
This article examines the crucial yet underexplored role of indigenous peasant women in the struggle for agrarian reform and peasant liberation during the second half of the twentieth century in Latin America. Focusing on and re-examining the peasant movement of La Convención (Peru) and employing historical and anthropological methods, it argues that these women were far from peripheral actors. They actively engaged in unions, collective actions and even armed militias, performing both traditional and non-traditional gender roles to challenge the exploitative hacienda system and gender hierarchies. The article also analyses the impact of the Cold War on their rhetoric, alliances and broader struggle for social justice.
This article examines the national and international context within which Colombian immigration policy developed in the mid-twentieth century. Focussing on Republican refugees from the Spanish Civil War, it traces how and why policymakers and public opinion began to see these groups as potentially harmful to society. It argues that Colombian immigration policy emerged at the intersection of multiple, evolving discourses of race which both helped frame and were shaped by anxieties over a mass influx from Spain. By exploring the stories of several Republicans who tried to come to Colombia, the article also reveals how they helped shape immigration policy.
This article analyses samples of unexplored photographic series produced by US photographer Alan Fisher (1913–88) in Brazil between 1950 and 1953. These images are part of visual reports produced for the United States Information Service (USIS) documenting the screening of newsreels, short films and cartoons in factories and rural communities in Brazil. The article repositions Fisher as a key figure for understanding US information warfare in mid-century Brazil. It theorises these screenings as political-performative events and develops an approach that accounts for the persuasive (and deceptive) dimension of these campaigns while acknowledging the audience’s agency and strategic complicity.
US control over the Panama Canal symbolised Washington’s dominance in Latin America. The Torrijos–Carter Treaties of 1977, concluding years of negotiations, marked a turning point by transferring control over the Canal to Panama. This work focuses on the crucial May 1977 round of negotiations, a pivotal yet underexplored period, whose outcome laid the foundation for the treaties, addressing key issues such as control over the Canal Zone and the neutrality of the Canal. This study addresses gaps in the existing literature through newly available archival sources, offering a more detailed understanding of the negotiations that shaped the future of the Panama Canal.
Being supposedly adapted to the living circumstances of ‘the poor’, PAYGo is claimed to be inclusive because it is ‘affordable and convenient for those with irregular incomes’ (GSMA, 2017: 5) and, unlike monthly billing, allows ‘the poor’ to buy ‘what they can, when they can, when they need it’ (Mastercard, 2020: 4). It ‘empowers’ users by granting them ‘valuable control’ (Waldron et al, 2018) over their consumption. Instead of having to rely on kiosk attendants, who close the kiosk for lunch breaks and at night, the ‘convenience of mobile payments’ (Waldron et al, 2018) enables the user to fetch water at any, and in less, time by avoiding queues at the kiosk. The literal imagination of ‘pay-as-you-drink’ (Waldron et al, 2018) not only portrays water as a commodity, but the mobile money-enabled PAYGo system also invokes its users as digitally included customers who are enabled and free to obtain water at their own convenience, simply by placing self-recharged smart cards on an intuitive user interface.
The Rock Foundation which funded the implementation of 30 water dispensers in three different villages in Kondo Ward (Chapter 6) wanted to show that once Planetary View (PV) pulled out of the project it would be able to be ‘self-reliant’ in the sense that the revenue generated by the water sales would be sufficient to cover the operation and maintenance of the system (Harry, personal communication, August 2017).
Several authors have engaged with the endeavours of private companies or philanthrocapitalist organizations to test solutions for the bottom of the pyramid (BoP) in the field and pointed out inconsistencies in such approaches. Dolan and Roll (2013) show how, in Procter and Gamble's approach to selling sanitary products to schoolgirls in Accra, menstruation is reframed from a maturation process to a hygienic problem requiring a market-based solution in the form of a sanitary pad. Irani (2019) shows how the development of water filters in India by an non-governmental organization (NGO), funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (B&GF), was determined from the beginning by funding policies that regard clean water as free of waterborne diseases, rather than free of fluoride, which was the major concern of the people for whom the filters were to be manufactured. Borland (2011) points out that the PlayPump, a pump for use in the Global South and powered by a children's roundabout, was primarily designed for its audiences in the Global North rather than for its users. Cross (2013) shows how a solar light was, from the beginning, not only designed for poor consumers, but also to be attractive to venture capital funds by, for example, foregrounding user participation. Thereby any changes made in response to user feedback only took place within clear pre-set parameters regarding aesthetics and functionality. However, even when designers are willing to reframe their projects in line with user feedback, they re-define them anew in market-based terms. For example, Schwittay (2014) has pointed out how a financial inclusion project responded to ethnographic findings by moving from a financial management app to income generation and financial empowerment programmes.
The development of large-scale, capital-intensive infrastructure projects – such as road, water, sewerage or electricity networks, railroads or gas supply – to be carried out by one central development actor – the state – was seen as the foundation of nation building and economic growth for countries post-independence (Elyachar, 2012; Collier et al, 2017). Although since the start of the millennium there has been a resurgence of large-scale water projects,1 there has also been an increasing turn towards ‘little development devices’ (Collier et al, 2017) that are often promoted by multinational corporations (MNCs), philanthropic foundations or social enterprises. Little development devices build upon the critique of megalomaniac development projects of the past, which often failed to consider diverse societal contexts or to deliver their promises of progress. Little development devices are utilized in areas and for populations that are regarded as dwelling on the margins of the incomplete networked, large-scale infrastructure projects. Water filters (Redfield, 2012) are supposed to replace water networks, solar lanterns (Cross, 2013) overcome the lack of electricity networks and pit latrines solve the lack of sewerage networks (Chalfin and Binjaku, 2017; Thieme, 2017). Thereby, these devices are ideally designed in such a way that they anticipate the failures of their environments, for example by being extra robust or being able to function in dusty or unsanitary environments. Instead of trying to bring about utopias of grandiose futures, these devices are designed to work on a small scale and provide more immediate solutions, with often measurable and testable outcomes (Collier et al, 2017).
Los estudios sobre la relación entre música y fuerzas militares suelen estar mediados por enfoques tradicionales que analizan la música marcial o sus usos para los fines de la institución. Sin embargo, existe una producción musical de integrantes activos y retirados de las fuerzas militares que no es marcial, que no necesariamente está institucionalizada y que se aleja de los usos y temáticas que usualmente se asocian a la música militar. El estudio de estas producciones complejiza y enriquece los enfoques tradicionales sobre la relación entre música y fuerzas militares. Este texto presenta los hallazgos de la recopilación y análisis de 463 canciones compuestas y/o interpretadas por militares activos y retirados en Colombia entre 1989 y 2021, junto con entrevistas a algunos de estos artistas. Los hallazgos sugieren que abordar este tipo de música, que pocas veces es reconocida como ‘militar’, permite conocer la perspectiva del soldado como individuo en contextos de guerra y posconflicto; facilita la comprensión de la relación entre música institucional y no institucional y los distintos usos que se le da; y abre líneas de investigación sobre la forma en la que estas producciones entran en diálogo con géneros musicales, identidades regionales y el mercado artístico en el que participan.
In Kondo, a village in rural Kenya, a woman1 takes her jerrycan to fetch water from a water kiosk. She has become accustomed to the fact that, unlike previously, there will be no kiosk attendant with whom she can talk and from whom she could sometimes get water on credit. Instead, she will find a PAYGo2 water dispenser. The woman positions her jerry can beneath the faucet extending from the kiosk's front wall. She then takes her prepaid smart card, which she has charged in advance using the mobile money application M-PESA and places it on the dispenser's interface and presses the water button to start the water flowing. Once the container is full, she removes the card, the water stops flowing, she takes the jerrycan, and leaves.
PAYGo water dispensers – also referred to as automatic water dispensers or water ATMs – are the result of the efforts of the Danish multinational pump manufacturer Pumpinski A/S3[ (hereafter Pumpinski), which decided to enter the so-called ‘bottom of the pyramid’ (BoP) market with a new technology in 2007.
The PAYGo water dispenser comes with smart cards and a cloud-connected water management system (WMS) (Figure 0.2). The dispenser can be installed at any water point. It features a simple and intuitive user interface and a card reader that uses radio-frequency-identification (RFID) to read the blue customer smart cards. A display above the card reader shows the balance on the card, the amount of water dispensed and the price per litre. The user places their prepaid smart card in the reader and presses a button on the interface to start the water flowing; the cost is automatically deducted from the card balance shown on the dispenser display.
O artigo discute a apropriação das práticas da “escola nova” no interior do Estado de São Paulo entre 1935 e 1938. Inicialmente, circunscreve algumas características do movimento internacional de renovação da educação. Depois, identifica as referências dos inspetores de ensino às práticas da escola nova no magistério paulista e analisa esses registros na relação que mantém com as iniciativas de reforma do ensino público do Estado de São Paulo. Por fim, a reflexão se detém na reduzida repercussão que a política de inovação educacional alcançou no Estado de São Paulo para mostrar que as conexões tentadas por grupos ligados ao movimento pela escola nova tiveram pouco alcance político.