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The research undertaken clarifies many aspects of the disease called Saint Anthony's Fire. At the same time though, it also raises issues that were not addressed by a historiography rooted in interpretative criteria from the eighteenth and nineteenth century.
With regard to the lexical question, which is fundamentally important as the lexicon reflects the way in which the disease was perceived, although the universally widespread affirmation that Saint Anthony's Fire is a synonym for ignis sacer corresponding to ergotism is not totally wrong, a careful examination of past sources reveals that it is frequently inaccurate. To start with, I have not found any accounts of epidemics described as Saint Anthony's Fire in medieval sources. When the term appears in medical, hagiographical, legal or literary texts, it refers almost exclusively to individual cases of gangrene of varying aetiology such as the form stemming from frostbite or, more commonly, an ‘infection’ resulting from a wound (I use the term infection in its modern sense, well aware that a similar concept did not exist at the time). We can certainly imagine that the term was also employed to describe gangrene developing from ergotism, but it is impossible to make this distinction as the disease was unknown at the time.
The connection between ergotism and Saint Anthony's Fire was only established in the eighteenth century after the latter had been equated to ignis sacer, a term widely used from the eleventh century onwards to describe epidemics of the burning disease. Ergot poisoning can be recognised in these, although a degree of caution needs to be adopted. As we have seen, however, besides the fact that ignis sacer sometimes simply referred to gangrene of any aetiology, the two terms were not used as synonyms in all sources. Indeed, a difference emerges between medical and non-medical texts, as the former sources maintained the original meaning of ignis sacer first used in antiquity and late antiquity, namely a skin complaint. This pustular disease is not comparable to gangrene or ergotism but rather erysipelas. However, as the latter term was attributed with multiple meanings from antiquity onwards, care needs to be taken when drawing comparisons with the present-day disease.
In terms of the required research methodology, the disease known as Saint Anthony's Fire presents an exemplary case. The importance of Alessandra Foscati's study lies precisely in her duly adopted approach.
This is a textbook case as it forces the historian of medicine and society tout court to constantly rethink the lexicographic and historiographical framework. Numerous challenges must be faced when undertaking a meticulous and thorough historical reconstruction, which must incorporate factors such as medical lexicography, the geography of medieval and early modern Europe and historiography. These three disciplines frequently come into play in the complex history of Saint Anthony's Fire both in the Middle Ages and the early modern period and beyond.
Faced with such intricate circumstances, the historian has to proceed with extreme caution. By implementing a strategy in some way comparable to detective work, the methods adopted must consistently manage to separate myths, legends and historiographical prejudices and beliefs from the clear, incontrovertible and dependable elements that emerge from the exhaustive examination of sources.
In this way, Alessandra Foscati has managed to highlight that the term Saint Anthony's Fire is never used in reference to an epidemic in sources from the Middle Ages and the early modern period. In fact, it is only employed in medical, hagiographical, legal or literary texts to allude to individual cases of gangrene of varying aetiology, perhaps deriving from frostbite or more frequently an ‘infection’ following a wound. These findings are truly important, firstly because they are the result of a comprehensive and astute rereading of the available sources and secondly as they prompt a rethink of the entire medical and social history of Saint Anthony's Fire from the Middle Ages onwards, always taking account of the aforementioned interweaving of lexicography, geography and historiography.
In terms of lexicography, Alessandra Foscati carefully analyses the semantic and semiological evolution of the term Holy Fire (ignis sacer), for which the reader will be grateful. In addition to examining both medical and non-medical sources, the author assesses the influence of ancient sources on medieval and early modern authors.
Abstract The disease that ‘burnt bodies’ was associated with the Egyptian-born St Anthony the Abbot from the twelfth century onwards. This coincided with the spread of the Order of the Hospital Brothers of Saint Anthony, founded in the South of France where the remains of the saint were said to have been translated from Constantinople. The author illustrates the legends explaining the presence of three bodies of the same saint in three separate French locations. By translating and analysing documents relating to the hospital at the Order's mother house, she also reveals which patients were admitted there. These were not technically ergotism sufferers but those affected with gangrene of any aetiology who needed to have the affected limb amputated and required permanent accommodation to avoid swelling the ranks of beggars.
Keywords: St Anthony's relics; Order of Hospital Brother of St Anthony; medieval hospitals; miracles; Saint-Antoine-en-Viennois
A Brief Preface on the Antonine Order
The term Saint Anthony's Fire derives from the thaumaturgical cult that developed around the presumed remains of St Anthony the Abbot, or the Great, an Egyptian saint from the third or fourth century, originating in the south of present-day France in around the eleventh century. Anthony was portrayed as the father of monasticism by all the medieval Churches following the circulation of the first biography about him, Life of Anthony, written in Greek by Athanasius (295c-373), Bishop of Alexandria. The author explains that on his deathbed the saint asked to be buried in a secret place, with the burial arranged by two of his closest and most loyal disciples who would not reveal the exact location to anyone else. Nevertheless, in the early Middle Ages various chronicles and most martyrologies in the West started to suggest that the saint's body had been transferred from an unknown location in the Egyptian desert to the Basilica of St John the Baptist in Alexandria at the time of Justinian (sixth century). This probably led to the creation of subsequent legends about the inventio and translatio (‘discovery’ and ‘translation’) of his body, firstly to Constantinople and then to the Dauphiné in the South of France. Being one of the most important Christian saints and given the value always attributed to saintly relics, it is no surprise that his remains were highly coveted.
Abstract The introduction outlines the author's methodological approach. In a departure from the historiographical tradition, she aims to demonstrate that the term Saint Anthony's Fire, coined in the Middle Ages, was only rarely used at the time to describe ergotism – a disease triggered by the consumption of a parasitic fungus on grain cereals, which mainly caused gangrene in the limbs. Adopting appropriate epistemological criteria, the author collects and interprets the different meanings of the expression in medical, literary, hagiographical and legal texts. Differing methodological approaches are needed for these sources, particularly because the disease could sometimes assume a symbolic value in non-medical texts. This requires interpretation and complicates the task of the historian studying the diseases of the past.
Keywords: diseases; St Anthony's Fire; ergotism; morbus regius; retrospective diagnosis
The bibliography on Saint Anthony's Fire is extensive and there has long been a historiographical consensus on the precise profile of the disease: it is the medieval name for ergotism, a disease caused by the ingestion of ergot, a fungus that parasitizes rye, which was widely used in breadmaking in the Middle Ages. Carlo Ginzburg writes:
The ingestion of flour thus contaminated provokes real epidemics of ergotism (from ergot, the word that designates the mushroom in English and in French). Two varieties of this morbid condition are known. The first, recorded mainly in western Europe, causes very serious forms of gangrene; in the Middle Ages it was known as ‘Saint Anthony's fire’. The second, chiefly spread in central and northern Europe, provoked convulsions, extremely violent cramps, states similar to epilepsy, with a loss of consciousness lasting six to eight hours. Both forms, the gangrenous and convulsive, were very frequent due to the diffusion on the European continent of a grain-like rye, which is much hardier than wheat. In the course of the seventeenth century they often had lethal consequences, especially before their cause was discovered to be the claviceps purpurea.
Similar explanations of ergotism and Saint Anthony's Fire can be found in most books on medieval studies. In his work on disease in Europe, Jean-Noël Biraben writes:
The most remarkable of these epidemics, and the most serious in this period, [the early Middle Ages] was the so-called holy fire (or Saint Anthony's fire).
Abstract The final part focuses on the discovery of ergotism in the late 17th century and the consequent considerations made in eighteenth-century European medical and botanical texts. These sources feature a variety of interpretations, suggesting that it was not always straightforward to distinguish ergotism from other diseases such as scurvy. One debated topic is the description of the characteristic convulsive symptoms of ergotism that only seem to have been documented by German scientists in the early modern period. The collected sources covering a broad time span highlight that while we still have scarce knowledge of real epidemics of ergotism in the past, the various meanings of Saint Anthony's Fire offer an illustration of the potential pitfalls of medical semantics.
Keywords: ergotism; scurvy; mal des ardents; physicians; convulsive Disease
Medieval Epidemics of the Burning Disease as Told by Historians in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century
The historians that focused on Saint Anthony's Fire and ergotism from the nineteenth century onwards (in historiographical terms the two diseases tend to be considered as one and the same) drafted precise timelines for the occurrence of epidemics throughout history, starting in the early Middle Ages. They considered medieval sources and sometimes also works by early-modern authors, who had in turn retransmitted medieval accounts. The interpretation of these sources from two different periods somewhat inevitably led to inaccuracies. Firstly, it is not always possible to trace the original narrative source used by sixteenth and seventeenth-century historical authors who retranscribed descriptions of medieval epidemics that occurred at a regional or national level. Secondly, even when the source is known, the more recent version is not always an exact transcription of the medieval text, often taking shape as a summary padded out with arbitrary additions. Thirdly, there are changes in the medical lexicon as a result of interpreting the disease with different nosographic references from those used by the medieval authors. The dating of events is also revised in some cases.
The Frenchman Jean Bouchet serves as a prime example of the way in which medieval sources were interpreted by historians in the early modern period. In his sixteenth-century Annales d’Aquitaine, written in French, he focuses extensively on the Life of St Hilary and its accounts of miracles during his lifetime and post mortem.
Abstract This part focuses on the origin and meaning(s) of ignis sacer (holy fire), a term that historians associate with Saint Anthony's Fire and ergotism. It includes analysis of sources from the early Middle Ages onwards (chronicles, hagiographical and literary texts) describing fatal epidemics – almost certainly ergotism – that caused blackened and burnt limbs. The author highlights the descriptive hyperbole adopted in such accounts to demonstrate the thaumaturgical powers of a saint or the birth of a cult in a given area. Many saints ‘specialised’ in healing the burning disease in the Middle Ages and well before St Anthony the main ‘healer’, featuring in numerous miracle accounts, was the Virgin Mary. The most fascinating description centres on the Holy Candle of Arras.
Keywords:ignis sacer; burning disease; erysipelas; gangrene; herpes esthiomenus; miracle of the Sainte Chandelle
Ignis Sacer (‘Holy Fire’) in the Ancient World
The different diseases that afflicted France in the 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th and 16th centuries which were variously called sacred fire, burning disease, hell fire and Saint Anthony's disease owe their origin to the use of rye ergot.
Taken from the 1771 Traité du Siegle ergoté by Read, a French physician at the Faculty of Medicine in Montpellier (‘Mr. Read, Docteur en Médecine de la Faculté de Montpellier’), this statement is a perfect synopsis of eighteenth-century medical thinking regarding cases of ergotism in previous centuries, a perspective that influenced subsequent medical literature and historiographical output. Discovered approximately a century beforehand, the disease caused by the ingestion of ergot became the focus of numerous medical and scientific treatises abounding with theories about its nature. At the same time, it was concluded that all conditions defined as Saint Anthony's disease or fire in medieval sources, or indeed ignis sacer (feu sacré in Read's text) and ‘mal des ardents’ on French soil should be interpreted as cases of ergotism.
These sources now need to be reread in the light of a philologically correct modern interpretation to understand whether it was accurate to link occurrences of Saint Anthony's fire to epidemics featuring ergotism and to establish when the expression was first used in the central period of the Middle Ages.
I am the first to admit that my career has not followed a conventional path. But in talking to my colleagues, I am not sure that there is a conventional path to an academic career. This retrospective is both a look at how the profession has changed over the forty years since I began graduate school in the late 1970s, and a reflection on my own trajectory within that profession. Historiographical references reflect my own views and are not meant to be comprehensive. I first discovered the history of science as an undergraduate history major at Connecticut College in the early 1970s. The course of physics for non-majors I took with David Fenton was based on Harvard Project Physics, which had been developed in the 1960s by two professors of science education, F. James Rutherford and Fletcher G. Watson, and the historian of science Gerald Holton. We actually wrote term papers for the class; mine was on the theory that Stonehenge was an astronomical observatory.
This volume is part of the definitive edition of letters written by and to Charles Darwin, the most celebrated naturalist of the nineteenth century. Notes and appendixes put these fascinating and wide-ranging letters in context, making the letters accessible to both scholars and general readers. Darwin depended on correspondence to collect data from all over the world, and to discuss his emerging ideas with scientific colleagues, many of whom he never met in person. The letters are published chronologically: volume 27 includes letters from 1879, the year in which Darwin completed his manuscript on movement in plants. He also researched and published a biography of his grandfather Erasmus. The Darwins spent most of August on holiday in the Lake District. In October, Darwin's youngest son, Horace, became officially engaged to Ida Farrer, after some initial resistance from her father, who, although an admirer of Charles Darwin, thought Horace a poor prospect for his daughter.
The admiration of the Soviet Union amongst Britain's interwar scientific left is well known. This article reveals a parallel story. Focusing on the biologists Julian Huxley and Lancelot Hogben and the scientific journalist J.G. Crowther, I show that a number of scientific thinkers began to look west, to the US. In the mid- to late 1930s and into the 1940s, Huxley, Crowther and Hogben all visited the US and commented favourably on Roosevelt's New Deal, in particular its experimental approach to politics (in the form of planning). Huxley was first to appreciate the significance of the experiment; he looked to the Tennessee Valley Authority as a model of democratic planning by persuasion that could also be applied in Britain. Crowther, meanwhile, examined the US through the lens of history of science. In Famous American Men of Science (1937) and in lectures at Harvard University, he aimed to shed light on the flaws in the Constitution which were frustrating the New Deal. Finally, Hogben's interest in the US was related to his long-standing opposition to dialectical materialism, and when he finally saw the US at first hand, he regarded it as a model for how to bring about a planned socialist society through peaceful persuasion.
Chapter Three analyses the ‘theoretical’ connections that many physical-psychical scientists made between ‘physics and psychics’.It analyses general physical arguments against philosophical materialism and other ‘stumbling blocks’ to the idea of mind and spirit in the cosmos; vague analogies between physical and psychical effects; and more radical physical theories and explanations of telepathy and other psychical phenomena.The chapter highlights the extrordinary creativity of physical scientists in applying their concepts, ideas and theories to psychical puzzles.It also examines the criticism that many physicsts levelled against such psychical uses of physics and argues that while leading physical-psychical scientists accepted many of the problems with physical theories of largely non-physical phenomena, they never completely abandoned the idea that some kind of physical theory would ultimately help render psychical effects more intelligible.