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The source of syntactic island effects has been a topic of considerable debate within linguistics and psycholinguistics. Explanations fall into three basic categories: grammatical theories, which posit specific grammatical constraints that exclude extraction from islands; grounded theories, which posit grammaticized constraints that have arisen to adapt to constraints on learning or parsing; and reductionist theories, which analyze island effects as emergent consequences of non-grammatical constraints on the sentence parser, such as limited processing resources. In this article we present two studies designed to test a fundamental prediction of one of the most prominent reductionist theories: that the strength of island effects should vary across speakers as a function of individual differences in processing resources. We tested over three hundred native speakers of English on four different island-effect types (whether, complex NP, subject, and adjunct islands) using two different acceptability rating tasks (seven-point scale and magnitude estimation) and two different measures of working-memory capacity (serial recall and n-back). We find no evidence of a relationship between working-memory capacity and island effects using a variety of statistical analysis techniques, including resampling simulations. These results suggest that island effects are more likely to be due to grammatical constraints or grounded grammaticized constraints than to limited processing resources.
The representation of regular morphological processes has been the subject of much controversy, particularly in the debate between single and dual route models of morphology. I present a model of morphological learning that posits rules and seeks to infer their productivity by comparing their reliability in different phonological environments. The result of this procedure is a grammar in which general rules exist alongside more specific, but more reliable, generalizations describing subregularities for the same process. I present results from a nonce-probe (wug) experiment in Italian, in which speakers rated the acceptability of novel infinitives in various conjugation classes. These results indicate that such subregularities are in fact internalized by speakers, even for a regular morphological process.