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In 1980 I delivered a paper called ‘Taking Facts Seriously’ which is quite well known but has made almost no impact. I think that the argument is both correct and important for our ideas and practice in academic law in respect of legal method, legal theory, the law of evidence, and legal education generally. Its fate reminds me of a dictum of Karl Llewellyn: ‘When Cicero made a speech, you said: “No mortal man is so eloquent”; when Demosthenes made a speech, you yelled: “WAR!!”. ’ It seems to have been a failure of advocacy.
The occasion for the original talk was the opening of a new law school building in Victoria, British Columbia; the context was a symposium on legal education; the audience consisted mainly of judges, senior practitioners, academic lawyers, and law students. There were probably no more than four or five specialists on evidence present. My thesis was that the subject of evidence, proof and fact-finding (EPF) deserves a more salient place in the discipline of law. The gist of the argument was that fact investigation, fact management, and argumentation about disputed questions of fact in legal contexts (not just in court) are as worthy of attention and as intellectually demanding as issues of interpretation and reasoning about questions of law. It was an argument about the importance of the study of facts in legal education and it was addressed to a general legal audience.
This chapter links two stories, each with sub-plots. The first concerns one of the most famous cases in English legal history, the story of Edith Thompson and Frederick Bywaters, who were hanged in 1923 for the murder of Edith's husband, Percy. The second is the story of two scholars in different departments in the same institution who over several years had worked on the case and had each completed a substantial study before they learned of one another's interests. The first story is both a human tragedy and a historical mystery; the second exemplifies the fragmentation of learning and illustrates contrasting approaches to history by two scholars from different academic cultures. This chapter is a case-study of the methods of a jurist (William Twining) and a Shakespearean (René Weis) in approaching the question: Was Edith Thompson guilty of the murder of Percy Thompson? We shall start with the more modest tale.
The jurist's tale
Early in the 1970s I began to use original trial records as a vehicle for teaching evidence to undergraduate law students, first at the University of Warwick and later at the University of Miami. I was concerned with both the theory of proof in legal contexts and certain practical techniques of inferential reasoning, as part of what is known as the logic of proof. In particular, I was interested in how to construct and criticize complex arguments based on evidence in legal contexts.
This essay presents a new theory of statutory application that is superior to two competitors. One of the competitors claims that statutory directives apply to act-tokens fitting the legislature's intention. The other holds that statutes apply to act-tokens that are of the genuine kinds named by the classifying words. These theories solve certain problems badly or not at all, respectively: (1) accounting for the capacity of statutes for epistemic guidance; and (2) avoiding literalism. Both do a limited job of accounting for the rationality of statutory promulgation. The theory developed here, social salience theory, does better on all counts. According to social salience theory, the default position is that statutes apply to act-tokens that are socially salient, given the linguistic and social contexts. The departure from that position is also social, produced by conventions to defer to experts on the statute's applications to particular cases.
What does “speech” mean in constitutional First Amendment law and in ordinary language and the philosophy of language? Under what circumstances does intentional action count as speech? Can communication be unintentional? And what follows (in law) from the fact that almost any action can be made expressive?
In this article, I examine several distinctions that may be relevant to the morality (and conceptual characterization) of terrorism: (1) the state/nonstate agent distinction, (2) the combatant/noncombatant distinction, (3) the intention/foresight distinction, (4) the means/side-effect distinction, (5) the interrelated necessary/nonnecessary means and produce/sustain distinctions, (6) the mechanical/nonmechanical use distinction, (7) the military/political distinction, (8) the harm/terror distinction, and (9) the harm-for-terror/terror-for-goal distinction. I conclude that some of these factors (though not those most commonly cited) account for the prima facie wrongness of terrorism and that the nondistinctive properties of terrorism (which it shares with some nonterrorist acts) are what make it most seriously wrong. I also provide a conceptual examination of terrorism as we commonly think of it and its relation to torture. In the course of discussing the distinctions and also in concluding the article, I consider why terrorism may sometimes be morally permissible.
The principles behind the adoption, by conferences, of their rules of procedure have generated very little debate at conferences, nor have they generated much academic discussion. This is remarkable as the issues involved touch on some fundamental principles of international law, including the process of formation of custom, treaty-making procedure and the role of tacit consent.
The independence of an international conference
An international conference of plenipotentiaries, unless it is a subsidiary organ of an international organisation, is an independent body. ‘No existing agency has the power to lay down rules of procedure or determine the competence and organisation of conferences in general.’ The Secretary-General of a conference convened by the League of Nations informed a delegation that:
According to the procedure followed at all conferences held under the auspices of the League of Nations, the Conference alone has sovereign powers; it may take whatever decisions it thinks fit.
Rosenne writes that: ‘The experience of the Convention on the Status of Refugees suggests that a Resolution of the General Assembly, whatever its persuasive value, cannot bind an ad hoc diplomatic conference, which has an autonomous existence of its own and is, in the words of a representative of the Secretary-General, a “sovereign body”.’ A recent comment on this issue is that “the relationship with the international organization does not prevent such conferences of disposing freely, and in an autonomous and final way, of the task entrusted to them”.
During the discussion of any matter, a representative may move the adjournment of the debate on the item under discussion. In addition to the proposer of the motion, two representatives may speak in favour of, and two against, the motion, after which the motion shall be immediately put to the vote. The President may limit the time to be allowed to speakers under this rule.
The UN Model Rules propose:
Rule 41
Adjournment of debate
A representative may at any time move the adjournment of the debate on the question under discussion. Permission to speak on the motion shall be accorded only to two representatives in favour of and to two opposing the adjournment, after which the motion shall, subject to rule 44 [Rule 44 deals with priority of motions], be immediately put to the vote.
Effect of adjourning the debate
Motions to adjourn the debate are normally adopted sine die, that is without deciding on a time for renewal, and such motions result in the termination of discussion and the prevention of voting on the issue concerned. A motion to adjourn the debate differs from a motion to close the debate in that a motion to ‘close’ terminates discussion and authorises the meeting to proceed immediately to a vote. A motion to adjourn prevents both debate and voting.
Sohn points out that at the 1868 Geneva Conference ‘a distinction seems to have been made for the first time between matters of substance and questions of procedure’. The Congress of Berlin of 1878 however is usually regarded as the first conference where a clear distinction was made between decisions on substance and those of procedure. It was there that Bismarck declared:
In the interest of accomplishment, resolutions concerning procedure not touching questions of substance should be held to be decisions of the Congress when approved by a majority vote, unless the minority should register formal protest.
Despite these two examples and additional cases of adoption of ad hoc procedural decisions, Pastuhov writes that it ‘was not the practice of diplomatic conferences held prior to the twentieth century to adopt formal rules of procedure for conducting their business’. Although the First Hague Conference of 1899 voted on procedural issues, it did not have a formal set of rules of procedure; the first conference with a formal set of rules of procedure appears to have been the Second Hague Conference of 1907. The rules of the Second Hague Conference consisted of twelve short articles dealing with the structure and organisation. Only two of the articles dealt with the process of conduct of business and voting.
In his classic book on the Congress of Vienna, Harold Nicolson writes that: ‘The first two problems which face any international Conference are “Who is to issue the invitations?” and “Who is to be invited?”.’
Where an individual State convenes a conference, it is that State which issues the invitations. Nowadays however, most conferences are convened by the UN or by other international organisations and it is these organisations that issue the invitations. The European Community has also convened UN conferences.
Participation of States
Law-making conferences are open to participation by all States. The only recent exception was the 1997 Oslo Mine Ban Conference where participation was limited to those States that had agreed in advance to the principles of the anti-personnel mine ban, set out in the ‘Brussels Declaration’.
An early application of the principle of universality concerned the invitations issued to the 1899 Hague Peace Conference, which were addressed to the representatives of all the Powers of Europe, America and Asia represented at St Petersburg. Issuing such invitations was intended to allow what was regarded at the time as universal participation. During the early years of the UN, the criterion for invitation to conferences was the so-called ‘1949 Vienna’ formula, namely inviting States that were members of the UN, or of a UN specialised agency, or parties to the Statute of the International Court of Justice.
Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish shall be the languages of the Conference, unless the convening organ decides that not all these languages are required.
Rule 70
Interpretation
1. Speeches made in a language of the Conference shall be interpreted into the other such languages, unless such interpretation has not been requested by the representative of any State participating in the Conference.
2. A representative may speak in a language other than a language of the Conference if the delegation concerned provides for interpretation into one such language.
Rule 71
Languages of documents
1. Any reports submitted by the General Committee, a Main Committee or a Drafting Committee, as well as any report or final act of the Conference, shall be published in the languages of the Conference.
2. All resolutions and other formal decisions of the Conference shall be published in the languages of the Conference.
3. Treaty instruments adopted by a treaty-making conference shall be published in the languages in which they are authentic.
The UN Model Rules generally follow UNGA practice.
The number of official languages of conferences has been steadily increasing from the original French-only of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century conferences. Both French and English were official languages of the 1919 Paris Peace Conference and the League of Nations, then English, French and Russian were recognised at the 1946 Paris Peace Conference.
A study of records of international conferences reveals that more time is devoted to debating the order of voting on proposals and amendments than to any other single procedural issue. Delegations will attempt to achieve priority for their proposal as there are obvious advantages to the proposers if a proposal is voted on before an opposing one. This is particularly true when there are similarities between two different proposals and either one of them is likely to attract floating or neutral votes. In such a case, either proposal is likely to get a majority and once the one proposal is accepted, the other alternative is likely to fall. It is therefore often the order in which proposals are put to the vote that determines which proposal will be adopted.
The rules of procedure of the UNGA stipulate:
Voting on proposals
Rule 91
If two or more proposals relate to the same question, the General Assembly shall, unless it decides otherwise, vote on the proposals in the order in which they have been submitted. The General Assembly may, after each vote on a proposal, decide whether to vote on the next proposal.
The UN Model Rules propose:
Rule 60
Order of voting on proposals
1. If two or more proposals, other than amendments, relate to the same question, they shall, unless the Conference decides otherwise, be voted on in the order in which they were submitted. The Conference may, after each vote on a proposal, decide whether to vote on the next proposal. […]
The UNGA rules of procedure, for the Plenary, state:
Rule 67
Quorum
The President may declare a meeting open and permit the debate to proceed when at least one third of the members of the General Assembly are present. The presence of a majority of the members shall be required for any decision to be taken.
Regarding meetings of UNGA committees, the rule is:
Rule 108
The Chairman may declare a meeting open and permit the debate to proceed when at least one quarter of the members of the committee are present. The presence of a majority of the members shall be required for any decision to be taken.
The UN Model Rules propose the following rule for the issue of a quorum:
Rule 33
Quorum
The President may declare a meeting open and permit the debate to proceed when representatives of at least one third of the States participating in the current session of the Conference are present. The presence of representatives of a majority of such States shall be required for any decision to be taken.
The distinction between the quorum necessary for debates and that necessary for voting was introduced in 1949 by the Special Committee on Methods and Procedures of the General Assembly. The proposal was adopted, despite the fact that during the debate on the report in the Sixth Committee, several delegations argued that the proposal was undesirable as it would enable delegations to vote without their having been present during the debate.
The UNGA rules of procedure do not refer to consensus. The UN Model Rules propose:
Rule 51
Consensus
1. The Conference shall make every effort to ensure that its decisions on all matters of substance are taken by consensus or general agreement, or otherwise without a vote.
2. Notwithstanding any measures that may be taken in compliance with paragraph 1, a proposal or motion before the Conference shall be voted on if a representative so requests.
Decision making by consensus is a fairly recent innovation in the procedure of international conferences and there is, as yet, no clear agreement as to its significance.
Skubiszewski refers to three meanings of consensus:
Means of adopting a resolution.
A kind of agreement, often loosely formulated, which concludes the deliberations, usually conducted in an organ or by a conference.
Consensus is said to perform the role of a law formative agency other than custom or treaty.
The present analysis centres on the first meaning, namely ‘means of adopting a resolution’.
In order to avoid voting, and thus raising the issue of States that were in arrears, the UNGA, at its Nineteenth Session, adopted a ‘no objection’ system described by Plant as being ‘tantamount to unanimity’. The system was in reality decision making by consensus and the President of the session explicitly referred to the fact that ‘decisions were taken on the basis of a non-voting consensus’.
Each conference determines its own needs for committees, although in treaty-making conferences, a credentials committee, a drafting committee and a general or steering committee are always among the committees appointed. The large size of international conferences requires that the conference set up main committees to carry out the task of preparing texts or resolutions. The practice of conferences appointing a committee of the whole, composed of the plenary, has become less common.
Pastuhov commented in 1945 that, according to custom, ‘all delegations are entitled to be represented on each main committee of an international conference’, and this custom remains valid.
Procedure of committees
Most rules of procedure stipulate that, with some exceptions, the rules applicable to the plenary apply to committees mutatis mutandis. The exceptions are usually that the quorum for opening a meeting is smaller than that required in plenary meetings; all decisions are taken by majority vote and a two-thirds majority is required only for reconsideration of an issue; and the chairmen can participate in the voting.
Relations between committees and plenary
At a 1989 meeting of the General Conference of the IAEA, the Legal Adviser was asked whether a proposal not approved by the Committee of the Whole could nevertheless be subject to a vote in the Plenary. The Legal Adviser gave his opinion that the ‘plenary, as master of its own procedure, could consider any proposal’ subject to the rules of procedure concerning notice of submission of proposals.
A motion may be withdrawn by its proposer at any time before voting on it has commenced, provided that the motion has not been amended. A motion thus withdrawn may be reintroduced by any member.
The UN Model Rules propose:
Rule 47
Withdrawal of proposals and motions
A proposal or a motion may be withdrawn by its sponsor at any time before voting on it has commenced, provided that it has not been amended by decision of the Conference. A proposal or a motion thus withdrawn may be reintroduced by any representative with its original priority, provided he does so promptly and it has not been substantially changed.
Neither the rules of procedure of the Assembly of the League of Nations nor those prepared by the Preparatory Commission of the United Nations contain any rule as to the withdrawal of motions. However, subsequent conferences follow the rules of the UNGA in allowing for withdrawal of motions provided that the motion has not been amended. A motion thus withdrawn may be reintroduced by any delegation.
Withdrawal of a motion adopted by a committee
If a proposal has been adopted by a committee, then it can no longer be withdrawn by its original sponsors.