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Chapter 5 focuses on the hippies’ ambition to change the world. Relying on the concept of generativity, namely, the concern to guarantee the wellbeing of future generations, this chapter differentiates between the hippies as a collective, The Farm as a distinct community, and the individual level. Referring to past and current activities, the findings presented in this chapter suggest that the aspiration to change the world, the behavior it yields, and the appraisal of its consequences offer a significant source of meaning and satisfaction among aging hippies.
Chapter 3 offers a brief history of The Farm community in Tennessee, from the commune period (1971–1983), when it exemplified the spirit of the communal 1960s era, to this day. Using books about The Farm and materials posted on various websites, this chapter also relies on the stories shared by the study participants. It thus provides a somewhat hybrid version of The Farm’s history that enables an understanding of what it was (and is) all about from the perspective of people who were there from the very beginning. Accordingly, it facilitates an understanding of their present realities. This chapter also examines The Farm’s characteristics vis-à-vis the hippie ethics and suggests that it makes a perfect springboard for research on aging hippies.
Chapter 6 discusses the daily activities of older hippies. By exploring what they currently do for fun and comparing it with their past leisure activities, this chapter explores patterns of continuity and change in practice and meaning. It also suggests that the hippies diverse leisure repertoires and ethics of play significantly contribute to their wellbeing in later life.
Chapter 2 reviews the hippie movement’s history and ideology. Using the flower children metaphor often used to describe the hippies, the review relates to four periods labeled as seeding (1945–1964), sprouting (1965–1966), growing (1967–1969), and blossoming and withering (1970–1973). The hippie ideology is described according to five dominant ethics: dope, sex, rock, community, and cultural opposition. This chapter also summarizes the literature exploring where all the hippies went and what legacy they contributed to the world.
This opening chapter sets the stage for the book. Its first part describes the author’s first day at The Farm community and the personal journey that brought her to explore the aging experiences of hippies. The second part of the chapter provides information about the study that served as the basis for this book, and the third part briefly presents the books contents.
Chapter 8 examines the ethics of community – a dominant value of the hippie movement – and points to the differences between the people who live at The Farm and those who left it. Notwithstanding, this chapter reveals the power of what may be described as the cement of powerful shared experiences in early life in forming a lifelong bond that remains stable and offers a strong psychological sense of community regardless of physical distance and frequency of contact. This chapter also highlights the challenges of community life and examines them vis-à-vis perceived advantages.
Chapter 4 explores whether older hippies still consider themselves hippies. If so, how do they negotiate the seeming contradiction between being a hippie – a term commonly associated with youth (as reflected in its synonym flower child) – and being old. Distinguishing between essence, behavior, and look and suggesting various continuums of hippiedom, this chapter sheds light on the identity work done by older hippies regardless of their current circumstances and lifestyles.
Chapter 9 considers end-of-life matters and reports the efforts made by The Farm and its members to make their own and their loved ones’ final years and death as peaceful and comfortable as possible. Discussing issues such as advanced care planning, facilities for the aged population, and alternative burials and commemorations, this chapter demonstrates, once again, the hippie tendency to do things somewhat differently. It also suggests that their lifelong values and beliefs made them slightly less fearful of death than older adults who were not part of the hippie movement.
Chapter 7 explores how the hippies spirituality changed with time and points out unique patterns that could only occur among people who had had an eclectic spiritual philosophy early in life. Differentiating between four types of spiritual paths (somewhat less spiritual, forever Farmies, perpetual seekers, and focused spirituality), this chapter also suggests that among aging hippies, the spiritual sphere is like a playground full of possibilities.