This chapter unravels Turkey’s involvement in the Turkish organisational field in Germany, through a focus on the outreach activities of various state institutions. The chapter points out that, as with the situation in France, Turkey’s engagement with the Turkish community in Germany follows specific political goals and that Ankara’s diaspora engagement policies have empowered certain pro-government Turkish diaspora groups at the expense of others. With its population of 3 million (of whom 1.4 million are eligible to cast their ballots in Turkish elections, and 950,000 are eligible to vote in German elections), the Turkish diaspora in Germany serves as a significant lobbing power and a constituency for Turkish elections. This chapter uses anecdotes and narratives of diaspora organisation representatives, official documents and reports and news sources to shed light on how select subgroups (conservative-nationalist and Sunni-Islamic) of the Turkish diaspora have responded to Turkey’s outreach efforts in Germany. The chapter first presents the history of Turkish organisational life in Germany and examines Turkish political mobilisation in the country prior to 2003. The second part of the chapter explores the role of increased official correspondence with Turkish immigrant organisations, pro-government diaspora rallies and diaspora diplomacy activities conducted by conservative-nationalist and Sunni-Islamic leaders in Germany.

This chapter asks what might happen if Britain breaks. First, it assesses what are the likely implications of the break-up of Britain for Scotland and England and its multi-ethnic and working-class communities? Second, it considers those resources of hope from which an expansive political vision might be crafted – one which not only seeks to redress the dehumanising effects of capitalism but in the process allows working people to regain control over their own conditions of life and relations with one another. The chapter concludes with a call to find new and creative ways of manufacturing solidarities across the fragmented populations of Britain and through this remake class as a social force.

The chapter investigates the ways in which international human rights law recognises and promotes women’s concerns and critically examines its potential for the advancement of women’s interests. It outlines the evolution of human rights law and the inclusion of women within it and feminist critiques of rights. It looks in detail at women-specific human rights instruments and discusses why these have failed to guarantee women protection against the abuses they experience in their lives. It concludes by looking at developments that suggest the potential of human rights law to protect the ‘rock-bottom’ of women’s lives.

This chapter traces the genealogy of a central London street – in terms of its housing and residents – from the late nineteenth century to today, drawing on interviews, observations and analysis of commercial housing data and news media. It makes two contributions. First, its study of an elite neighbourhood from a distinctive scale and temporality – one street over several decades – illustrates the importance of the character of the built environment in shaping patterns of spatial and social inequality, as well as actions of the local government. Second, the chapter considers how over-arching spatial narratives of a place can overlook complex and diverse histories within urban spaces.

Women’s rights to make decisions over their reproductive health have been central to feminist debates over several decades. When a serious fetal anomaly is diagnosed in late pregnancy, women are often expected to make choices over whether to terminate. Parents and professionals are also faced with difficult decisions around when to resuscitate babies or end neonatal life support. In the event of losing a baby, parents are also suddenly faced with making a range of difficult decisions including whether to consent to a post-mortem. This chapter focuses on exploring the difficult and often urgent decisions parents must make after they lose a baby, and seeks to extend existing sociological thinking on reproductive choice and decision-making.

This chapter draws a cross-country, city-level comparison between the cities of Brighton, UK and Bologna, Italy. Both cities have an established reputation for being ‘tolerant’ and ‘hospitable’, which stems from their image of diverse environments. However, especially at the institutional level, this public image is rarely scrutinised. In this chapter, the author digs into the urban representations of Bologna and Brighton as diverse and open places to uncover the exclusivity of inclusive spaces through minorities’/migrants’ lived experiences. The respondents on whose accounts the chapter is based are classified as ‘Black and Ethnic Minorities’ in Brighton and ‘foreigners’ in Bologna – this to reflect the political language used in each case study in relation to migration and ethnic diversity. After a discussion on their own perception of Brighton and Bologna’s sense of place the author examines how they frame discrimination and hate-crime in their city.

This chapter considers why issues of sex and gender matter in international law. It introduces the main argument of the book – that the absence of women in the development of international law has generated a narrow and impoverished jurisprudence. Among other things, this jurisprudence has legitimated the unequal potion of women rather than challenged it. The aim of the book is to encourage a rethinking of the discipline of international law so that it can provide an adequate framework for international justice with respect to women. The chapter offers a snapshot of the conditions of women’s lives globally, showing that the quality of women’s lives around the world is consistently different from and inferior to men’s. It examines why the international legal order has paid such little attention to the position of women.

The chapter examines how international institutions reinforce the gendered character of international law. It documents the invisibility of women at senior levels in international intergovernmental institutions and discusses critically measures taken over the years to ameliorate the situation. It asks whether the gender imbalance in international institutions is significant and argues that women’s absence from such bodies affects how ‘women’s issues’ are treated and more generally all matters of international concern.

This chapter considers Turkey’s engagement with Turkish diaspora organisations in France, through a focus on the activities of various state institutions to reach out to the diaspora. The chapter highlights that Turkey’s engagement with the Turkish community in France follows deliberate policy goals, such as increasing the lobbying potential of French Turks in favour of the Turkish government, canvassing expatriate votes and strengthening national legitimacy by evoking a sense of loyalty among French Turks. By using anecdotes and narratives of diaspora organisation representatives, official documents and reports and news sources, the chapter argues that Turkey has favoured certain diaspora groups (conservative-nationalist and Sunni-Islamic) over others (secular, Kurdish, Alevi and Gülenist). Turkey’s new diaspora policies have bolstered conservative diaspora leaders’ self-confidence and collective identity, and enhanced their organisational capacity against the rising backdrop of Islamophobia in France. The chapter first presents the history of Turkish diaspora associations in France and examines their political mobilisation in the pre-2003 era. It then shifts the analysis to Turkey’s diaspora engagement with French Turks since 2003. Through an examination of increased official correspondence with Turkish immigrant organisations, pro-Turkish diaspora rallies and various state institutions’ activities in the transnational space, it illustrates how such engagement has prompted diaspora diplomacy.

Continuing the focus on the district of Ancoats in Manchester, de Noronha and Silver consider the ever-shifting relations between capital and state in the shaping of the housing geographies of the neighbourhood. They continue the historical analysis in conversation with Engels’ ideas, showing how the post-industrial decline of the district created the conditions for future regeneration and subsequent gentrification of the area, and financialisation of the housing. The chapter concludes by thinking through the connections between housing and inequality, and the importance of understanding the changing relationship between capital and the state to do so.