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This chapter examines the role of taxation and welfare in the making of the imperial inequalities of the Spanish imperial state. It uses the term ‘imperial state’ to transcend the historiographical gap between states and empires and examine the politics of economic governance across expanding and transforming political communities. It focuses in particular on the moral economy of taxation and welfare in legitimating the extraction and distribution of resources in ways that created and enforced inequalities.
Older men face significant health inequities compared to women, with the transition to retirement often exacerbating these differences.
Objective
This study explored the benefits of participation in the Squamish Men’s Shed (SMS) in British Columbia, Canada.
Methods
Using a case study design, semistructured interviews were conducted with 12 members aged 55 and older.
Findings
Thematic analysis identified four overarching themes: A Meaningful Use of Time, The Desire to Give Back, Finding Friendship Within the Shed, and Well-Being as a By-Product. Findings described the Shed as a valuable space to maintain structure and purpose postretirement, foster community engagement, and cultivate social connection. While mental health was rarely an explicit motivation for participation, members described enhanced well-being as an indirect outcome. The Shed also provided opportunities for intergenerational contribution, reinforcing a sense of usefulness and generativity.
Discussion
The findings highlight the Shed’s potential as a community-based model that promotes men’s mental health rather than formalized interventions.
Inequality is a coin that cannot be understood by studying only one of its faces. In the preface to this volume, besides critically interrogating poverty, Williams asks what qualitative questions should we be asking about the rich?
Britain today is falling apart. One of the most dominant states in world history finds itself confronted with growing demands for nationalist secessionism. Brexit has already secured its break from the European Union while looming Scottish independence threatens to undermine the integrity of the British state. Meanwhile, class, gender, regional and generational inequalities are deepening while endemic racism has been re-invigorated. How has it come to this? Britain in fragments traces how the historic pillars sustaining the democratic settlement have begun to crumble. This stability was constructed amid a century of imperial expansion abroad and working-class struggles for justice at home. The post-war welfare state was the apex of this historic arrangement; however, the ground beneath it began to shake as the processes of decolonisation and neoliberalism unfolded. This book traces how successive Labour and Conservative governments have incrementally dismantled the democratic settlement. A bipartisan commitment to neoliberalism has culminated in a historic crisis of representation and legitimacy, opening the door to competing nationalist forces.
This book provides a sociological exploration of baby loss, analysing parents’ and professionals’ experiences of life, death and post-mortem. The book offers a concise introduction to the sociological literature around miscarriage, late fetal loss, stillbirth and sudden infant death. It also introduces the reader to existing ethnographic research on post-mortem practice. The book comprises seven substantive chapters, each exploring various aspects of the baby loss journey. It begins with an analysis of the trauma and shock parents initially experience when they lose a baby. It then moves on to introduce the topic of post-mortem practice, focusing first on the issue of parental decision-making. Each subsequent chapter focuses on different sociologically pertinent issues relating to post-mortem practice, including the role of technology, emotions, hidden care practices and memory-making. The final substantive chapter situates the experience of baby loss and post-mortem examination within the broader context of debates on biological and social relationships. As will be shown throughout the book, while baby loss occurs to individual mothers and fathers, both parental and professional experience of this loss are profoundly shaped and mediated by the social. The conclusion reflects, therefore, on the classic sociological relationship between the individual and society. It also reflects on the theory and method used throughout the research, highlighting both the value and challenge of conducting sociological research on sensitive topics.
Representing the first book-length treatment of the application of feminist theories of international law, The boundaries of international law argues that the absence of women in the development of international law has produced a narrow and inadequate jurisprudence that has legitimated the unequal position of women worldwide rather than confronted it.With a new introduction that reflects on the profound changes in international law since the book’s first publication in 2000, this volume is essential reading for scholars, practitioners and students alike.
A wide-ranging and interdisciplinary investigation of cultures of fear in South Africa, this book reveals how fear and its various features, particularly risk, anxiety and moral panic, manifest in contemporary media forms and the communities they serve, and how these are impacted by systems and histories of race, class, gender, space and identity. It foregrounds the significance of emotion as a sociopolitical force in South Africa as elsewhere, arguing that we need to take emotion seriously in order to properly account for the way in which feelings and experiences, and powerful narratives about them, impact on politics and daily life. Spanning a range of imagined communities and physical spaces, it investigates four disparate but deeply affective case studies: the far right myth of ‘white genocide’; so-called ‘Satanist’ murders of young women; an urban legend about township crime; and social theories about safety and goodness in the suburbs. The book is intimately interested in the way in which moral panics, mass fears and collective anxieties manifest in circumstances of higher risk, heightened insecurity, deep inequality and accelerated social change. It emphasises South Africa’s imbrication within globalised conditions of anxiety, and thus its fundamental hypermodernity, in contrast to the atavistic, sometimes dismissive portrayals of Africa that are common within global media and scholarship.
Turkey has shown an unprecedented interest in its diaspora only since the early 2000s. This book provides the first in-depth examination of the institutionalisation of Turkey’s diaspora engagement policy since the Justice and Development Party’s rise to power in 2002 and the Turkish diaspora’s new role as an agent of diplomatic goals. It also explores how Turkey’s growing sphere of influence over its overseas population affects intra-diaspora politics and Turkey’s diplomatic relations with Europe.The book is based on fourteen months of fieldwork in Turkey, France and Germany. Drawing on more than 110 interviews conducted with representatives of a wide range of diaspora organisations originating in Turkey as well as with Turkish, French, German and EU policymakers and journalists, supplemented with an analysis of official documents and news sources, it argues that Turkey has conceived of the conservative elements of its diaspora as a tool of political leverage, mobilised towards enhancing Turkey’s official diplomatic endeavours. At the same time, however, Turkey’s selective engagement with its expatriates has complicated relations with disregarded diaspora groups and Europe.This study contributes to the growing literature on diasporas and diplomacy. Diasporas have become identified as influential actors that transform relations at the state-to-state level and blur the division between the domestic and the foreign. A case study of Turkey’s diasporas is thus a significant study at a time when emigrants from Turkey form the largest Muslim community in Europe and when issues of diplomacy, migration, citizenship and authoritarianism have become even more salient.
The supplement to the 2018 Sunday Times Rich List claimed that 94 per cent of its entries were self-made. Our own research into the top fifth of the Rich List shows that much of this ‘self-making’ consisted of a rise from being very wealthy to becoming stupefyingly wealthy. Many of them were born into straightforward old and inherited money. In some cases, this implied wealth dynasties that go back many generations; other supposedly ‘self-made’ Rich Listers were born into the aristocracy. This made us wonder what distance someone must travel to deserve the self-made label. Beyond that, we contemplated less obvious and more ‘subtle’ forms of privilege. They might make people pass as ‘self-made’ but yet sit slightly uneasily with the claim to ‘humble’ backgrounds. Some of such ‘hidden’ privilege might be those born to well-off and high-powered parents who could ensure their offspring an elite upbringing or, at least, exclusive schooling. The appeal of the ‘self-made’ fortune is that ‘good’ wealth is merited wealth, one that has been achieved by honest means and through hard work. The Sunday Times opted for such an editorial line, one that celebrates the accumulation of wealth while denying the structural privileges which have enabled the successes of those on the Rich List.
Emotion, a key area of interest in contemporary sociology, forms the central focus of Chapter 4. This chapter offers a sociological analysis of emotion in relation to baby loss and post-mortem practice. It focuses on parents’ experiences of emotion or being emotional as well as exploring emotion work in different types of professional practice. While parental and professional data form the central focus of the chapter, it also provides a sociological exploration of the emotional nature of doing research in this area. Throughout the chapter we explore the acute trauma and sadness of both experiencing and witnessing baby loss and post-mortem examination. The chapter also seeks to uncover some of the more life-affirming emotions often experienced in this context – for example, articulations of parental and professional pride – which often remain hidden from view. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the ways in which the articulation and management of emotions is contingent on the social relations and structures surrounding them.
This chapter draws together some of the significant conceptual, substantive and methodological themes that have emerged throughout the book, reflecting on their wider significance for existing debates in medical sociology, science and technology studies, social studies of death and dying, and research methods. We begin by examining the complex relationship between life and death, analysing and reflecting on parental coping strategies after loss. The chapter also considers the relationship between gender and reproduction, shedding light on the implications of our research findings for wider sociological debates on gender and masculinity. Existing conceptualisations of post-mortem practice tend to focus only on the clinical aspects of the examination. We aim to use the space offered by this conclusion to lobby for the development of a more enlightened approach to post-mortem, one that acknowledges the centrality of care and emotion. The chapter examines the sensory and sensitive nature of the research on which this book is based, offering suggestions on how researchers can successfully navigate emotions in research. As is shown throughout the book, while baby loss occurs to individual mothers and fathers, both parental and professional experience of this loss are profoundly shaped and mediated by the social. The conclusion draws to a close, therefore, by reflecting on the classic sociological relationship between the individual and society.
Experiences of anxiety, concerns about risk and threat and powerful moral panics make up some of the most significant collective emotional experiences shaping contemporary life in our globalised, mediatised age. This introductory chapter argues that the fast-changing and deeply unequal context of South Africa requires a reconsideration of assumptions about how people and societies process risk and fear and the effect that these states have on how we live. Drawing on the work of theorists like Zygmunt Bauman (2007, 2006), Chas Critcher (2011), David Altheide (2002) and Sara Ahmed (2014), it discusses the idea of the culture of fear and make an argument for the importance of taking emotion seriously as a collective and political practice. It considers how ideas around risk, anxiety (social rather than psychoanalytic) and moral panic, emerging as they do from theorists based in Europe and America, largely fail to take the global south into account. The chapter suggests an outline for a renegotiation of these categories of theory and illustrates the way in which the book’s case studies are part of this new critical agenda. The chapter ends by introducing the four case studies and outlining some of the connections and equivalences between them. The chapter also argues for the relevance of localised cultural analysis as a way of drawing conclusions about the intersection of identity, emotion and politics in South Africa.
In the course of the 1970s, Britain’s relative economic decline triggered by the end of empire mutated into a full-blown crisis of hegemony spilling over into the political and cultural domains, thoroughly destabilising capitalist rule. Unprecedented fissures as well as unexpected solidarities would become distinctive features of this period, as men and women from all backgrounds were thrust into the struggle over the future direction of society. This chapter documents the new utopian projects of socialist transformation that emerged, and the infrastructures and ideas that animated them. At times, these projects moved well beyond the logic of Labourism to realise the desire of oppressed and exploited people of all colours to live a life of happiness and contentedness. It also maps the simultaneous break from the neoliberal right initiated by Powell and realised by Margaret Thatcher in her capture of the Conservative Party leadership. Her subsequent victory in May 1979 would launch the most concerted attack on the organised working class since the 1920s, undermining the organisational infrastructure that sustained the politics and language of class and socialism. By recovering this hidden history in its complex and contradictory totality, this chapter shows that the transformation of Britain from a Fordist model of capitalist accumulation to a more flexible regime of accumulation that we now understand as neoliberalism was not inevitable. Rather, it was dependent upon extinguishing a counter-hegemonic project that crystallised in the form of an emergent multi-ethnic politics of class. This is why we understand neoliberalism as a capitalist counter-revolution.
This new introduction reflects on developments in the two decades since the publication of the book in 2000. It describes the profound changes in the international legal sphere, notably the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, intractable conflicts that have weakened the authority of multilateral institutions and the growth of right-wing populism. The chapter questions the overall optimism about the power of international law to improve the lives of women manifest in the book and emphasises the ambivalence of the international legal order for women. The chapter starts by considering the meaning of the term ‘feminist analysis’ and then moves on to review some of the history of feminist engagements with international law, observing that the international sphere has long provided a beacon of hope for women. Its focus is an area that had barely emerged when Boundaries was published: the UN Security Council’s ‘women, peace and security’ (WPS) agenda, which commenced with resolution 1325 adopted in October 2000. This field illustrates a pattern of apparent normative progress, which is undermined by gendered institutional cultures. The most acceptable feminist ideas internationally have been increasing the participation of women and combating violence against women, although these have faced many hurdles. It has been even more difficult to achieve normative and cultural change to support transformative equality for women, or an international legal order where issues of sex and gender and other structural inequalities are given sustained attention and adequate resources for achievement.
Statehood is fundamental to traditional international legal doctrine. This chapter investigates the international legal notion of statehood, the doctrine of recognition, aspects of statehood, such as jurisdiction and state responsibility, as well as the concept of self-determination as a way to acquire statehood. It points to the invisibility of women in the formation and application of these legal principles and studies their impact on women’s lives. The chapter examines self-determination and Palestinian women. The chapter challenges the standard idea that the state is a neuter, without a sexed identity and argues that the paradigm state is constructed in a gendered way, as male, with female features only in specific contexts. It considers ways in which the state could be reconceived using feminist ideas.