This chapter sets the agenda for the book beginning with the violence of settler colonialism this chapter introduces global Indigenous thinkers, activists, knowledge holders and scholars who identify, reject and respond to epistemic violence with acts of self-determination and sovereignty. This chapter highlights the ways in which Indigenous peoples articulate what it means to be ‘Indigenous’ in an increasingly connected and globalised world. The title of this volume Global Networks of Indigeneity: People, Sovereignties and Futures denotes shared solidarity, activism and envisioning amongst Indigenous peoples who are jointly invested in futures liberated of colonialism and settler colonialism where we are free to enjoy our own lands and lives in conditions of our own making.

This chapter is a conversational piece with Dr Percy Lezard and Dr Sandy O'Sullivan focused on their careers and work as Indigenous queer, non-binary academics enduring two different settler colonial nations - Australia and Canada. Centered on questions about the relationships between activism and academia, and gender and colonialism, and the conversation considers the realities and complexities of queerness and Indigeneity in higher education. The chapter also includes reflections and narratives from Percy and Sandy’s lives as Indigenous non-binary peoples and their journeys to academia. It concludes by looking to the future of Indigenous Studies and Indigenous queer participation in academia and academic institutions.

Status comparisons are constantly made in many societies today, leading to an inferiority complex. Income inequality is linked to diverse health and social outcomes in the world, including violence, lack of trust, prevalence of heart failure, environmental degradation, and poor oral health. Chronic stress, induced by inequality, leads to many of the chronic diseases we face. Economic inequality influences power distribution, which is now captured by big corporations in the US. Middle-aged White American men, especially those without college degrees, have seen their mortality increase though drugs, alcohol, and suicides, termed deaths of despair, as their livelihoods have declined because their jobs have migrated to poor countries. Ranking countries by life expectancy situates the US tied with Cuba for longevity

How can we explain the cultural fault lines which currently plague a post-Brexit Britain? The Introduction makes the claim that the culprit is the peculiarity of the English imagination, whose eternal and timeless utopia is Arcadia: a perfect England which existed once and has since been lost. It is demonstrated that this vision of a perfect England is a post-war invention as Britain underwent imperial and colonial decline. We can understand Brexit as a crisis of Englishness which tries to re-imagine a vision of British society as one of pastoral harmony organised around the manor house, and imperial power channelled through networks of overseas trade. The book argues that this vision of English society can be located in the upper-class house, and through the idioms of houses we can trace notions of belonging and social unity through the upper-class personages of which these houses are associated. The book’s overarching claim is that the idiom of the house, from the country house to the public school system, monarchy to lesser gentry, has been seized upon repeatedly in a variety of social, political and cultural beliefs and practices. In so doing, the English have turned their upper class into a ‘past’, a living form of ‘tradition’ beyond the empirical here-and-now. Fall and rise traces the various ways in which a vision of national hope and loss can be traced and read in the writings and practices of the English upper-class gentleman.

This chapter introduces economics as Keynes encountered it and then how his own work before the General Theory begins to break from orthodoxy. First, it discusses the classics as they were understood by Marx, for whom ‘classics’ was a qualified term of approval, as distinct from the ‘vulgar’ school of mere apologists. It briefly identifies what was lost from this tradition in the later marginalist revolution in terms of its treatment of economic aggregates and economic interrelation, which Keynes substantially recovers, and in terms of the classics’ focus on production and growth, in which Keynes has little interest. This first section then discusses the beliefs which Keynes criticised, the adherence to the quantity theory of money and Say’s Law. The second section introduces Jevons’s and Marshall’s marginalism, their vision of an exchange economy, the concepts of utility and disutility, and their attitude to money, production and labour. Keynes has a somewhat ambivalent relationship: both in and against this tradition. There is a sense in which he can point out its failings precisely through a more careful application of its principles. The third section discusses Keynes’s own early work, particularly the Tract on Monetary Reform and the Treatise on Money. Keynes would retrospectively see himself as having still been orthodox when he wrote these earlier books, but they anticipate important later themes and the Treatise, in particular, sometimes makes more radical departures, and attempts a more dynamic analysis, than would the General Theory.

To decolonize social institutions (i.e. political, criminal justice, educational, and economic systems) a more profound commitment to inclusion and well-being will require a reimagining of the embedment of anti-racist and anti-oppressive paradigms. Various social institutions either inherited or created to meet the needs and aspirations of the former colonized, have faltered and failed under the pressures of Neo-Colonialism and structural racism, and have manifested in their various forms as structural adjustment programs, outsourcing, privatization of human services, and the rise of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO’s). There is an urgent need for new and innovative research on the subject of producing a brave and adaptable generation of leaders who understand the value of servant leadership principles coupled with the principles of the Afrocentric Perspective as a framework to create social policies and engage in leadership practices that are sensitive to the needs of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) and other oppressed groups in general as a conceptualization of a praxis of decoloniality. This chapter will address how these two approaches can contribute to the reinvigoration of upcoming leaders committed to serving BIPOC and other oppressed and marginalized groups.

Keynesian scholarship is enormous and diverse. Rather than feigning an overview of the literature, this chapter sketches three broad trajectories of Keynesian critique to make an argument that each remains limited by an ambiguous and unsatisfactory break with neo-classical economics. The chapter first considers neo-classical synthesis Keynesianism, associated with Samuelson’s textbook introduction to economics, the IS/LM (investment savings/liquidity money) models of Hicks and Hansen, and the Phillips Curve interpretation of inflation. Second, the chapter looks at market imperfections, considering alternative New Keynesian and post-Keynesian accounts, with briefer notes on money and financial instability. Despite declarations of mutual hostility, the relatively moderate New Keynesians and the putatively more radical post-Keynesians have much in common in their emphasis on imperfections, implying that neo-classical world of perfect competition remains central to their vision, even if as a focus of antagonism. There is often common ground too in hopes that states can reduce the imperfections or ameliorate their consequences. Third, the chapter considers an alternative strand of post-Keynesianism which puts more emphasis on time and uncertainty. Potentially profound insights tend to be reined in as they are marshalled for an in-house squabble with mainstream economists. Even as a more fundamental critique, the identification of radical uncertainty shows the follies of much of the existing economic formalism without providing the basis for an alternative political economy.

This chapter explores the many ways social work supervision and leadership practice engage with and overlap with communities through anti-oppressive work. Focuses include utilizing supervision and leadership to engage communities, transitional leadership and succession planning, connecting and utilize the arts in community empowerment, messaging, and liberative movement.

With the current violent attacks against Asian/American folx in the United States and the constant erasure of Indigenous people, I have found myself critically thinking about my role in the world. As a queer Diné and second-generation Laotian, I find all my identities under attack by white supremacy. Holding a multi-racial identity, I feel the harm from all sides that sometimes renders me feeling disposable, but as I step back and listen to ancestral teachings from both Diné and Laotian, I know that there is strength that they are channelling through me to create a world where queer multi-racialism is critical for Indigenous peoples, sovereignty, and futures. Settler-colonialism has taught Indigenous people of colour to believe that they must live in a world with a singular identity attached to a singular culture. While I would argue that as multi-racial people, especially ones who are holding an Indigenous identity, we are unable to separate our cultures because they are not only connected to us on an individual level but are interwoven on a cultural level too. Throughout this paper, I will engage in Indigenous and Asian scholar-activists works to build a multi-racial praxis of understanding the world and envision a future outside of colonial rule. This work aims to address the confusion and feelings of being "not enough of . ." as a means of isolation to turn that into building a harmonious future of belonging for multi-racial Indigenous peoples to create change in our worldbuilding.

Chapter 8 displaces the narrative that Soviet Marxism is relevant only to those parts of the world that have lived behind the so-called Iron Curtain. I develop the term “queer communism” by discussing the work of Susan Stryker, Jacques Rancière and postsocialist theorists. Because an anti-communist tradition in the United States has fundamentally shaped a right-wing rhetoric with roots in the Cold War, part of that rhetoric is a refusal not only of labor resistance, but also of gender anti-normativity. In drawing on a Cold War sci-fi – Jack Arnold’s It Came from Outer Space and Sean Baker’s Tangerine – I argue that queer liberalism in the USA has elided this alliance between trans and working-class politics. A Marxist dialectical method illuminates the trajectories of bodies socialized in eastern Europe, who have later become migrants under global capitalism.

In this chapter, multiple anti-oppressive and liberative lenses are reviewed and discussed as application to anti-oppressive decolonial clinical social work supervision and leadership practice. This chapter both review of the theory or practice lens and an emphasis on application to practice. By design subsequent chapters will overlap, deep dive, and offer multiple practice views of several concepts offered in this chapter.

In Chapter 5, I argue that abolitionist ideas are key to both Stalinist art and a queer of color analytic. I claim that Stalinist art is a refusal of capitalist codes of gender and sexuality according to a global Anglo-American imagination. In rearticulating an abolitionist imagination of capitalism, socialist films can generate a new imagination of the future. I identify common themes between Boris Groys and José Esteban Muñoz’s theories: if socialist realist artworks function like a contemporary avant-garde, not unlike queer performances of color, they can help de-naturalize the normative performances of the body. I show that the Romanian realist socialist film The Valley Resounds offers a surprising archive regarding the meaning of sexuality that has been buried under the umbrella of Stalinism.