The chapter reviews shifts to global capitalism, the rise of non-standard employment relationships and the prevalence of work precarity for many people, including flexibility, work in the gig economy and the rise of new technologies shaping the future of work

Chapter 4 debates the decline in worker voice. It reviews different forms of voice: ‘institutional’ (e.g. works councils); ‘union participation’; ‘collective bargaining’; ‘non-union voice’; and ‘external actors’ (e.g. civil society groups and associations). It argues that while employee voices are increasingly fragmented and fractured, there are shades of light and hope in terms of new forms of creative labour mobilising and social engagement.

Chapter 4 explores Adam Nicolson’s attempts to ‘revive’ tradition at his ‘ancestral’ estate, Sissinghurst Castle, Kent. Here Sissinghurst becomes the beacon for his political philosophy of landscape, agriculture, and something approaching ‘England’ via his mythology of ‘Arcadia’. It is argued that Nicolson’s vision for Sissinghurst ought to be understood as a response to the central sociological problem aristocrats face: sinking status. Given that if one starts at the top, the only way is down, sinking status must develop strategies for upward nobility. The strategy of upward nobility that Nicolson has chosen is to turn his ancestors into sources of social and political power for the future. It is shown that Nicolson’s telling of Sissinghurst’s story as a story of decline and fall is seized upon as an opportunity to revive and bring back a way of life that can mitigate the problems and ills of the present. Here we see how Nicolson combines Sissinghurst’s twentieth-century renown and its representation in modernist literature with a political philosophy of agriculturalism that evokes the early organic movement, which took the small manor farm and attendant hierarchy of lord, yeoman and peasant as the basis for social harmony and economic prosperity.

The USA has among the highest levels of mental illness of all countries, together with the most treatment. We seek happiness through mechanisms that produce pleasure, most of which are not effective. Those lower down in the hierarchy use more destructive means to gain gratification, thereby becoming worse off. Americans may suffer more pain than people in other rich nations, especially social pain in response to chronic stressors present here. We consume 80% of the world’s opioids Smartphone use, especially among youth, may be harmful for mental health. Evolutionary pressures make us live to reproduce and nurture the progeny until they can have children. Various mental illnesses that don’t impact propagation can manifest, especially in later life, such as anxiety to cope with danger. Mental health is political, like other aspects of health

This chapter explores the history of Sámi diasporic communities in North America and their contemporary processes of identity-construction today. In particular, the focus of this work is on those descendants who were part of the “hidden migration” of Sámi people to the United States. Largely emerging from coastal and forest Sámi communities, these emigrants were often on the frontlines of colonization, and were less enmeshed in the extensive reindeer herding operations and other symbolic activities that came to serve as visible emblems of Sámi culture to outsiders. Because of the profound discrimination against Sámi people prevalent in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, many of these individuals worked to conceal their Sámi identity both in their homelands and especially following their migration to North America. After the Sámi American cultural awakening of the early 1990s, increasing numbers of Sámi descendants in North America began to work to actively recover their own familial history, and to rekindle connections to established Sámi communities today. These Sámi descendant communities complicate many popular conceptions of Indigeneity. Both settler and Indigenous, both connected to an ancestral homeland yet in a perpetual state of detachment from it, these communities reveal diasporic Indigeneity as a cultural process. These processes of identity formation and re-connection are essential to understanding the lived realities of many Indigenous people in the 21st century.

Humans are born helpless and require others to nurture and care for them for a lengthy period. This requires paid parental leave policies, which the US, almost uniquely, doesn’t have, thereby compromising our health. During our forager-hunter era, vigilant sharing took place. The advent of agriculture 10,000 years ago led to a decline in health as exploitation began. This reversed only in the last few hundred years due to advances in sanitation, standard of living, and basic medical care. Population health is much more than adding up factors affecting individual health, with political context and governance being the most significant factors. Income inequality impacts health in three realms. Health promotion requires action by policy makers and national leaders. Women live longer than men. Geography matters, with a wide range of health outcomes across US counties. Culture and racism have strong impacts. Diets are less important. Physical and chemical environmental hazards impact health outcomes, mostly to a lesser degree

Chapter 8 examines the fortunes of the twenty-first century in relation to two interlocking but competing sensibilities in English culture, Raymond Williams’ Country and the City. The city is London, and the country is the spiral of the Home Counties surrounding London: Middle England. Here we find two competing sensibilities in relation to the fortunes of the twenty-first century, one which recalls the aesthetics of the father of modern conservatism Edmund Burke. On the one hand, the fortunes of the twenty-first century appear as sublime, while, on the other, those who make such a judgement long for a more agreeable vision of fortunes and its accompanying aesthetic of beauty – a beauty sought for or revealed in either architecture or landscape of an England of old. As the fortunes of the twenty-first century cannot be easily divided by Old and New Money, a move away from a moral hierarchy of wealth has been replaced with an aesthetics of feeling and desire. Examining the writings of a disparate mix of upper-class gentlemen, critical sociologists and environmentalists we shall see how the fears of excessive, plutocratic capital accumulation is tied with an alternative aesthetic of beauty which is socially elaborated as an old imperial-colonial Englishness. The chapter demonstrates that within the traditionalism and empiricism idioms of the house of England, we can find a tradition of English socialism and radicalism which does not seek to revolt, to destroy, to overturn or break down but hopes for a piecemeal, gentle, prolonged reformation.

Like the chapter on unemployment, this chapter and the next argue that there are problems and lacunae in Marx’s understanding of money and finance which a critical engagement with Keynes can help to address. Marxists agree with Keynes in insisting that money is not ‘neutral’. There is a specific financial moment which can impact on investment. Therefore, in as far as a Marxist analysis of money remains incomplete, so too does any analysis of the broader political economy. The chapter accordingly identifies three related areas where such a constructive dialogue can potentially enrich monetary analysis. The first involves thinking about money’s social relations and its material properties. Money has specific material properties, which both reflect and reflect on capitalist social relations, potentially taking them in new directions. The shift between different monetary systems – bimetal, gold, gold exchange, pure fiat money, electronic money – are neither simply policy choices nor the requirements of some abstract capitalist teleology, and they can have substantive economic repercussions. The second section argues that the non-neutrality of money means that money needs to be reintegrated analytically and that Keynes’s critique of the mainstream view that money does not matter, that money is neutral, usefully highlights the ineliminable importance of money, the specific financial and state monetary moments, and how these impact on the real economy. The third section continues that an engagement with Keynes’s concept of liquidity preference, extended and understood as a social and institutional phenomenon, can enrich Marxist monetary analysis.

It is impossible to adjudicate definitely on the prospects for a return to Keynes. There are many interpretations and, as the first section argues, grounds for saying that Keynes never went away. Much of the economic practice of the post-WWII boom period endures. The second section argues, however, that structural shifts have weakened national bases of economic organisation, potentially limiting the scope and efficacy, and crucially also the institutional supports, of Keynesian intervention. The third section reflects on the experience of the global financial crisis of 2007–09, which confirmed that leading states retained the capacity to intervene effectively, before disappointing hopes of a more radical, long-term reorientation with policy reversals which brought severe austerity, particularly in Europe. The preceding argument suggests that there was an economic rationale for such a turn, which is misunderstood simply as bad policy. The fourth section considers arguments that the growing environmental crisis requires an interventionist green Keynesian response. There is a constituency for change in economic interests and a powerful social movement, but there are also dangers in a lowest-common-denominator approach which ‘greenwashes’ insufficiently radical reform, which can be undone by the dynamics of capitalist and interstate rivalry. The final section argues that reining in capital in more consistently Keynesian ways would require a leap of political faith beyond anything that Keynes’s own political philosophy would allow. This is not to discount the possibility of reform but suggests that its achievement requires going beyond Keynes.

In this chapter, the concept, necessity, call to action, and process of decolonial and anti-oppressive clinical supervision is discussed. Functions of Clinical supervision are innovated and updated. Practice strategies and implementation are offered for all levels and experience of clinical supervisions. By design subsequent chapters will overlap, deep dive, and offer multiple practice views of several concepts offered in this chapter.

To be adopted, health-producing policies need to be supported by the elites. Although everyone’s health suffers from economic inequality, the poor suffer more social murder. Creating awareness is the challenge. Countries have goals and becoming healthier is one that is possible for the US. Charities and philanthropies, which command great power, mostly serve the rich, and are unaccountable to the public, won’t create the awareness needed to produce health-generating policies. Public resources should benefit the public. The government has subsidized much technology that, once profitable, is given to private industry at no cost. To change American policies requires creating awareness of the problem, reaching an agreement on a potential solution, and some transforming event such as a market shock, invasion, or other stimulus. Various ways of creating understanding are presented. Telling stories is the most effective