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As international adoption peaked at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries, research on its outcomes has paralleled that peak in scope and depth. This book provides a comprehensive, integrative analysis of international adoption within its historical, political, and legal frameworks, situating the practice in the context of global child welfare and the search for permanent families. By synthesizing decades of multidisciplinary research, the chapters examine developmental trajectories of internationally adopted individuals from childhood through to adulthood, taking into account physical health, attachment, language, cognition, academic achievement, identity, and mental health. Drawing on diverse methodologies and international samples, the text advances our understanding of resilience, adaptation, and identity in cross-cultural contexts. It also identifies critical gaps and articulates directions for future inquiry, refining developmental theory and informing policy and practice. This essential resource supports researchers, professionals, and graduate students engaged in adoption, child development, and social care.
Protection at the Margins is a ground-breaking account of how and why religious actors protect local communities from state-driven populist violence. Focusing on Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte's notorious 'Drug War,' the book provides an intricate view of how religion, populism, and political violence interact on the ground. Drawing on original surveys of Catholic clergy, experiments with members of the Philippine National Police, spatial data on thousands of drug killings, and dozens of field interviews in these neighborhoods, the book shows how Catholic elites used moral commitment and institutional capacity to influence street-level bureaucrats with discretion over violence, work with secular partners, and challenge populist dehumanization. It also highlights obstacles to protection, in the Philippines as well as Brazil and the United States. Amidst rising global concern about populism and violence, Protection at the Margins generates new insights into how religious actors shielded communities in one of the world's largest mega-cities.
Enslaved New World illuminates sixteenth-century Santo Domingo as the site of the Americas' earliest plantation and slave society and the first place where slavery became limited to people of African descent. Yet Santo Domingo was also home, Turits shows, to widespread continual flight from bondage and an ecology providing escapees with relatively easy refuge. This transformed the colony into a land in which predominantly self-emancipated Black people became the largest population group by the late seventeenth century, 150 years before slavery's abolition. Afterwards, slavery and legal racial hierarchy persisted, but the White elite often remained too poor and weak to overcome resistance and competing constructs of status and color emerged. By focusing on Santo Domingo's understudied African-descended majority population within novel frameworks, Turits opens up new understandings of Dominican history, slavery's racialization, race and racism's historical contingency, and an extraordinarily successful Afro-American trajectory of resistance.
In recent years, the United States has witnessed a resurgence in mainstream acceptance of overt, racist rhetoric from politicians. This increased tolerance arises despite previous evidence suggesting that white Americans reject racist appeals when they are explicit. Destabilized examines this shift and points to a perception of threat to white dominance as the root cause. The book finds that when white Americans feel their dominance in the racial hierarchy is unstable, their prejudice activates, and they seek to 'restabilize' the racial hierarchy by accepting negative, explicit racial appeals. Analyses of survey experiments, observational survey data, and political media demonstrate this phenomenon. Finding that this link exists among both white Republicans and white Democrats, Destabilized speaks broadly to the nature of whiteness as a racial identity rooted in the desire for dominance.
Why are Latin Americans increasingly disillusioned with democracy, even as the region has made social progress? This book examines the paradox of widespread political discontent amid improvements in poverty reduction, education, and expanded rights. It shows how rising expectations and broken promises have generated social frustration and political reactions, which take two different forms: they can target all political elites (vertical discontent) or focus on opposing political coalitions (horizontal discontent). Each form poses unique challenges for democracy. Bringing together leading scholars in sociology and political science from Latin America and the United States, the volume offers a multidisciplinary and comparative perspective on the drivers of democratic erosion. Drawing on empirical case studies and a shared analytical framework, the book sheds light on the tensions between democratic aspirations and lived experiences, making it a valuable resource for understanding the forces reshaping Latin America's political landscape and the broader erosion of democracy.
While hot spots of crime have become an important focus of study in criminology and an important focus of crime prevention in programs like hot spots policing, to date we know little about these places. Who lives in hot spots of crime? What factors lead to these places becoming crime hot spots? What other social and health problems are found in these places? The book draws on more than 7,000 surveys of people living on crime hot spot and non-hot spot streets, systematic physical and social observations, and structured qualitative data collection. The results of this study illustrate that hot spots of crime are not just hot spots for crime, but also many other social ills. By shedding light on the social features of hot spots of crime, the book recognizes the importance of informal social controls in understanding and preventing crime at crime hot spots. This title is also available as open access on Cambridge Core.
This book complements abundant research about immigrants by contributing novel data, knowledge, and theories about potential immigrants-those who might have immigrated but did not despite the benefits of migration to immigrants and origin and destination societies. The text examines three mechanisms that reduce or restrict immigration-governments denying visas, policies and social forces deterring many from applying for visas, and potential immigrants becoming disenchanted with immigration. Jacob expands the Push-Pull Model to a Push-Retain-Pull-Repel Model that accounts for why many remain ambivalently immobile. Narratives of might-have-been-immigrants reveal an (im)mobility paradox: factors facilitating migration-socio-economic resources and social ties-also hinder it. The book analyses denial, deterrence, and disenchantment from the perspective of countless people who do not immigrate due to one of these processes, revealing how they are socio-economically stratified with respect to each other and immigrants. This provokes a deeper, more global understanding of inequalities in migratory opportunities.
Globally, states use rural-to-urban resettlement to fuel development, yet this formal process consistently generates its own informalities. Using a comparative case study of China—contrasting its affluent coast with its poorer hinterland—this book reveals how informality not only persists after resettlement but performs essential functions, critically challenging the effectiveness of prevailing policies. Theoretically, the study leverages the innovative Credibility Thesis, applying its Formal, Actual, and Targeted (FAT) Institutional Framework and Credibility Scales and Intervention (CSI) Checklist to explain the emergence and evolution of post-resettlement informality. The findings offer powerful, empirically grounded recommendations for integrating informal realities into urban planning, with profound implications for understanding institutional credibility and the functional role of informality in development.
From the 1920s to the 1960s in Cuba, against the backdrop of revolutions, new constitutions, and rampant inequality, the Cuban Communist Party stood out as an unparalleled space for Black political leadership, activism, and advocacy. This party, led by Black political actors, including labor leaders, members of Black fraternal organizations and the Black intelligentsia, fought for an end to racial discrimination and used their voices to advocate for true equality. Analyzing US government surveillance records, Cuban newspapers, government records, party pamphlets, and more, Kaitlyn D. Henderson illustrates how the Cuban Communist Party created a unique space for an expression of Cuban Black nationalism and how communist parties in the western hemisphere strayed from traditional Marxist ideology. An important corrective, this book sheds light on the overlooked history of Black Communist leaders who fought for equality before the Revolution changed everything.
Why do some societies embrace religious diversity while others struggle with exclusion? Faith and Friendship reveals how the friendships we form—and those we avoid—shape interfaith attitudes across the Muslim world. Drawing on large-scale surveys from Indonesia and beyond, the book shows that religiously homogeneous friendships can unintentionally nurture stereotypes and social divides. Introducing the Boundaries, Opportunities, and Willingness (BOW) Framework, the book explains how state policies, civic spaces, and personal choices combine to determine whether people connect across faith lines. Blending rigorous research with vivid human stories, Faith and Friendship offers a new way to understand the roles of religion and social networks in everyday life and provides insights for anyone seeking to bridge interfaith divides.
Becoming Agarwal shows how a close-knit elite mercantile caste is reproduced as a privileged urban player in 'new' Hindu India. At this historical juncture, the baniya community is at the helm of not only economic but also political power. Drawing on in-depth interviews with ninety-one interlocutors, analysis of the oldest Hindi newsletter produced in Delhi over two decades, and ethnographic observations made over four years, the book shows the gendered and generational roles undertaken by women and men in self-making in neoliberal India. Elite men through their activities in the caste associations and philanthropy produce a moral and empowering narrative of belonging across class, while older women as mothers and mothers-in-law play regulatory roles within families to co-opt and refashion the desires of a younger generation of women. These desires have the potential to disrupt the reproduction of the caste group, an yet, are craftily absorbed.
Shaped by important shifts in the field and a global pandemic, this Handbook provides a fresh look at the anthropology of death. It is split into five parts, with chapters examining how deathcare happens and the kinds of relationships that arise between the living, the dying, and the dead; how rituals change and also endure; and how societies make sense of and live with death – both everyday and catastrophic. It draws on theories of social death and necropolitics, as well as death's materiality and more-than-human experiences of death and grief, inviting a broader understanding of the subject itself. With contributors from within and beyond the fields of anthropology and death studies, it bridges gaps in scholarly dialogues around life from death and death's afterlife of mourning and memory. The ethnographically grounded individual studies combine to underscore why death matters in new and urgent ways beyond concerns of just human life.
“Generations of students who will not hear his voice should be able to see his face.” Thus was the articulated sentiment of a group of students at the Presidency College in their fervent insistence on having a bust of Professor Prafulla Chandra Ghosh established in the college building. Prafulla Chandra Ghosh (1883–1948), who taught at the Department of English, Presidency College, from 1904 to 1939 (with a brief break between 1904 and 1908), was a highly celebrated teacher. During his retirement in 1939, funds were gathered by a Farewell Committee, and a marble bust of Ghosh was placed on the second floor of the Presidency College's main building. The renowned professor of English literature Subodh Chandra Sengupta (1903–98), who was Ghosh's student and a member of the Farewell Committee, described how
[they] collected a handsome amount of money in order to hold a farewell meeting and to raise a memorial to Professor Ghosh's long and distinguished connection with the College. The first suggestion, which received his approbation, was the publication of a volume of essays written in his honour. But the majority of the donors would not agree. They wanted a statue or a bust…
To anyone reading this volume or the Introduction penned by the editors, it will be obvious that this book does not aspire to provide either a teleological or a comprehensive history of the institution now known as the Presidency University, which, physically, has stood for more than two hundred years in the famed academic quarters, the College Street area, of the city of Calcutta, in close proximity to the Sanskrit University, the University of Calcutta, and the university's Medical College. An all-embracing treatment of the history of this institution might have included histories of its various buildings and a more thorough account of its built environment, of its leadership and staff, of friendships and other ties the institution fostered, and of the development of the various academic disciplines taught.
Yet this book accomplishes something quite unique in the history of educational institutions in modern South Asia. True, it draws its unity from the fact that all contributions here focus on the various incarnations of what used to be called the Presidency College, an iconic and high-status institution of higher education in South Asia that made, for more than two hundred years, a “liberal” education available to students in a land colonized by the British. This somewhat mechanical fixing of the volume's focus has one critical advantage: the editors and the contributors do not have to claim any essence for the “spirit” of this institution.