The book concludes by emphasising why siblings matter sociologically, pointing to the significance of sibling relationships in people’s lives as well as highlighting how siblings can be a useful lens through which to examine key sociological themes and topics such as self, relationality, imagination and time as well as emotion. The chapter explores the idea that siblings affect how we ‘turn out’ in life and reflects upon the significance of power and diversity in shaping siblingship. Methods of studying siblingship, from the perspective of individuals as well as with sibling groups as the unit of analysis, are evaluated and a call is made for sociology to pay more attention to siblings.

Chapter 1 undertakes a critical analysis of how the narrative of Europe’s so-called migration crisis came to frame dominant understandings of, and policy responses to, increased arrivals and deaths at sea. It shows how a confusing blend of securitised humanitarianism became the defining hallmark of the European Commission’s response to the ‘crisis’ that it narrated. The chapter highlights the limits of a shift from a crisis narrative focused on the referent object of the state to that focused on the referent state of people on the move, and unpacks the ways in which crisis narratives belie long-standing colonial relations that continue to structure the lived experiences of people on the move. In so doing, the chapter argues that an ‘anti-crisis’ approach is critical to the search for alternative frameworks and counter-narratives to that of a ‘migrant crisis’.

This chapter sets out the historical and ideological context in which the events analysed in the book take place. The book takes a relation framework that recognizes the specificity of different historical forms of racism while also being attentive to the fact that these forms did not arise in isolation from one another. Looking at the encounters of violence examined in this book alongside each other, the chapter argues, allows some insight into the tangle of gendered racisms that emerged from the expansion of racialized capitalism in the Americas and the enduring material and cultural legacies of slavery, settler colonialism, and U.S. imperialism. In particular, the chapter introduces the U.S. constructions of savagery and masculinity that emerged at the turn of the century to explain the dominance of white race and the death and subjugation of the world’s “degenerative races,” as well as African Americans and Mexicans’ own conceptualizations of manhood, virility and struggle.

Although racial stratification influences the outcomes of groups and their members, this chapter shows that it is not deterministic because individual migrants can and do express minority agency which influences labour mobility and intra-group hierarchy. This dialectical interaction between minorities and racially stratifying systems in their new country of settlement is the focus of this chapter. It presents a framework for interrogating the migration to labour market participation process within four strands that every migrating person goes through: expectation, experience, negotiation and identity reconstruction. It also presents the typologies identified from migrants’ trajectories that reveal five characteristic labour market experiences which in turn become solidified into reconstructed identities. Just as racial stratification has been argued to do in this book, its presence in the labour market participation process selectively metes out an endemic colour-coded migrant penalty which proliferates racial inequality.

This chapter identifies the trade-off that authoritarian states face between migration and security: on the one hand, they wish to reap the economic benefits associated with large emigrant populations; on the other hand, they also face the political need to maintain control of emigration flows, to monitor the movements of political dissenters, and to contain diasporas’ activism abroad. Authoritarian states’ diaspora policymaking can best be understood via the management of the trade-off between the political imperative to prevent emigration and the economic urge to embrace it. Algeria, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, and Egypt demonstrate how states are torn between ‘controlling’ and ‘courting’ their diasporas residing in Europe and North America. Regime security considerations have led the first four states to develop intricate control mechanisms that aim to prevent political activism abroad and to minimise diasporic acts of dissent against the ruling regime of the sending-state. Conversely, Egypt’s diaspora policy has evolved more inclusively: while acts of repression are not unknown, the main tenets have revolved around the desire to engage their citizen diaspora groups into the country’s development ambitions. The chapter discusses these policies and employs the tenets of the illiberal paradox to shed light on the rationale behind this divergence.

This chapter explores how African migrant players plan for, manage and negotiate the conclusion of their football career. It shows how a neglect of formal education and the absence of other dual career possibilities frequently limits alternative occupational opportunities for migrant players, resulting in precarious livelihoods characterised by financial difficulties and a declining social status. These can generate significant and (often interconnected) obstacles for players’ post-playing-career trajectories, not least by creating a discrepancy between their social status abroad and at ‘home’. However, in keeping with the rest of the book, this chapter illustrates the resourcefulness of African football players as they seek out other ways of reproducing their social mobility and status when their professional playing career concludes, not least by investing in businesses and housing at home and making strategic decisions around remaining abroad or returning to Africa. This enables a conceptualisation of African migrant footballers’ quest for social mobility as an ongoing process that occurs throughout their life course, from the forming of their migratory aspiration to their transnational careers and finally into their post-playing-career lives.

This chapter examines U.S. and Mexican discourses of race and nation in the aftermath of the lynching of Antonio Rodriguez, a Mexican national, in Rock Springs, Texas. As writers and demonstrators in Mexico denounced the murder, they highlighted the fact that lynching was a practice Americans wielded against “inferior races.” While protestors express affinity with African Americans, others asserted claims to manhood, honor, and resistance through differentiating Mexicans, “who have a country,” from the putative nationlessness of black race. This troubling use of blackness, the chapter suggests, reflects the legacies of transatlantic slavery in both the U.S. and Mexico.

The introduction summarizes the conflict over the name of Macedonia and, after 28 years, the solution brokered through the Prespa Agreement. It also presents the relevance of porosity as a theoretical tool to understand the continuous permeability of crossing the border in different spatial/temporal configurations.

There is a growing interest in Europe among researchers and race theorists in CRT as a methodological and analytical framework. While we all know on some level that society is unequal and hierarchical, what is unclear –which is the focus of this chapter – is who is at the top and who is at the bottom of the economic and racial ladder, and how are they connected? More importantly, how do we determine what group/s are at the top and what group/s are at the bottom? This chapter answers these questions through a step-by-step guide for researching racial stratification and the racial order. It also outlines some key considerations for researching the racial order drawing on insight from a racial stratification study of immigrants’ experiences in the Irish labour market. This chapter should be read with chapter 5, where a racial dichotomy of White over Black is unveiled in the Irish case.

This sets out the book's argument. The Conservative Party and the unions were mutually constitutive and for much of the last century Conservative policy was in major respects directed towards accommodating the trade unions and organised working class. Successive Conservative leaderships pursued a policy of inclusion despite hostility from the party grassroots. The Introduction also introduces concepts central to the analysis.

The chapter initially takes the reader through a sustained discussion of the basic tenets of the book’s theoretical framework by examining its development as a specific research agenda within international relations and migration studies, and provides detailed discussion of the theoretical underpinnings of migration diplomacy while also identifying potential avenues for further scholarly work. The chapter also identifies the main challenges faced by international relations researchers of migration, namely the need to problematise and unpack the terminology employed in the study of migration politics; the desire to move beyond the study of archetypical cases, and shift attention to non-traditional cases; as well as the difficulties involved in data collection methods and methodological approaches that need take the adverse empirical realities of Middle East migration politics into account.