Five years after the first publication of age measurements by the radiocarbon method (Arnold and Libby 1951) the method has been established as a powerful technique in the study of archaeology. Lists of radiocarbon dates have been published by a number of laboratories (Libby 1951, 1952, 1954, 1955; Kulp 1951, 1952; Broecker and Kulp 1956; Suess 1954; Ruben and Suess 1955; Blau, Deevey, and Gross 1953; Preston, Person, and Deevey 1955; Ralph 1955; Anderson, Levi, and Tauber 1953). A few scientists feel that the radiocarbon dates contradict archaeological or geological theories which they regard as wellfounded and have suggested that because of this the method is invalid.

Among the numerous problems still to be resolved in the archaeology of Mexico, one could not find a more captivating, more fundamental, and at the same time, less known one, than the early genesis of the native civilizations of Mesoamerica. Lack of knowledge of preceramic developments, which are the truly formative ones of the high prehispanic cultures, leaves the whole complicated sequence of better-studied civilizations without a real foundation. The investigation of this field requires collaborative research in the geological and paleontological sciences.

The Melhado site is near the town of El Cayo, in the Cayo District of west central British Honduras. This region forms a part of the eastern edge of the Peten forests. Its limestone hills and ridges are covered by a dense jungle growth, including such typical trees as the mahogany, sapodilla, Spanish cedar, and cahune palm. Rainfall is heavy, amounting to 50 to 70 inches a year at El Cayo, most of it falling in the rainy season from June to October.

Jamaica, the third largest island in the West Indies, has probably received less archaeological attention than any other island in the Greater Antilles. There are several reasons for this neglect. Jamaican archaeological remains are not very spectacular and offer few features to excite the interest or curiosity of the casual observer. The Jamaican Arawak were exterminated so early and so effectively by the Spaniards that they were able to contribute virtually nothing ethnically or culturally to the history of the island in the historic period.

In many works on Peruvian archaeology with their necessary emphasis on pottery styles as diagnostic elements of cultural development and change, one is often struck by the seeming confusion and number of styles in the Tiahuanacoid or Middle periods, and the resulting number of conflicting names for chronologically affiliated strains. This paper is an attempt to clarify in part this confusion and also an attempt to explain why it should exist and undoubtedly will continue to exist for some time to come, or at least until a great deal more field research has been completed on the coast of Peru.

A reconsideration of material collected from Promontory Point, north central Utah (Steward 1937) suggests that Promontory-Plains relationships may be closer than hitherto realized. Moreover, while several traits of the Promontory culture occur in more than one Plains archaeological complex, some are limited to the Dismal River aspect, suggesting the possibility of close ties between the Dismal River and Promontory peoples. Steward noted that a few traits (hoop and dart game, hand game boneS, side notched projectile points, end scrapers) represented in the Promontory culture were also found in the Plains. Hill and Metcalf (1941: 188, 197) pointed out that tubular steatite pipes and blunt bone “punches” or “flakers” occurred in both Promontory and Dismal River. This paper enumerates still other resemblances.

Some time between 1837 and 1844 Dr. Montroville Wilson Dickeson found a fossil human pelvis and bones of extinct animals in the vicinity of Natchez, Mississippi (Culen 1900: 113–5).

In 1846 Dickeson reported this find to the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, stating in substance that the human bone was found at least 2 feet below 3 associated skeletons of Megalonyx in a “plateau of blue clay … that underlies the diluvial drift of Natchez“ (Dickeson 1846: 106–7).

An important radiocarbon date of 9130 ± 250 years (W-345) was recently received from Washington, courtesy of M. Rubin, United States Geological Survey. That it pertains to an archaeological site in an area commonly supposed to have been under Valders (Mankato) ice at that time is of significance in our studies of prehistory in Ontario. A few notes on the occurrence of the sample may be of interest.

The Sheguiandah site, in the northeast corner of Manitoulin Island, has produced strong indications that man was present before the last ice sheet advanced over the area. Unfortunately, no satisfactory charcoal sample was obtained from the older deposits in 4 years of excavating.

Upon examination of a series of artifacts found at the Poverty Point site, West Carroll Parish, Louisiana, in the collection of James Durham of Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, I noted one plummet made of native copper (Fig. 1). As copper objects are unreported for the Poverty Point site (Haag and Webb 1953), it is worthwhile to note the existence of this specimen.

The plummet is made of native copper, probably hammered into shape from a copper nugget. It measures 48 mm. in length, 20 mm. in diameter and is perforated for suspension. The plummet was picked up on the surface at the Poverty Point site by James Durham's brother, F. M. Durham, in 1944. According to F. M. Durham the specimen was found south of the large mound, in the area between the mound and the river.

A recent article (Howard 1954) has described certain occurrences of cruciform artifacts in the Sierra Occidental from the Valley of Mexico to southern Arizona. The Valley of Mexico occurrence was reported in an earlier article (Haury 1945) which illustrates one of the objects (Fig. 2 x), and describes it as a “Cross (soft calcareous stone), Cuicuilco (Arizona State Museum collection, No. 13862)” (p. 61). I presume the specimen to be one found by Cummings during his excavations at the pyramid in 1924–25. The present article reports the discovery of 4 additional stone crosses at Cuicuilco in 1942.

Burial practices are currently of considerable interest in terms of the developing patterns of Plateau culture sequences. Material documentation of prehistoric and historic burial procedure is now extensive though admittedly controversial in sequential interpretation. Suggestions as to covert behavioral responses accompanying the disposition of physical remains and attendant paraphernalia are much less satisfactory.

The authors recently had called to their attention a cache of aboriginal artifacts which suggested a funeral practice, perhaps widespread in the Plateau, but occurring supplementary to the archaeo-ethnically recognized forms of burial.