It has become increasingly apparent that mathematical models may play a significant role in anthropological methodology. Less apparent is the fact that such models have an important place in formulation of theory as well. At the same time, many errors appear in attempts to use mathematical models. This paper attempts to indicate the nature of such errors and a methodology by which they can be avoided. A case study is presented showing the relationship of mathematical models to anthropological theory.

Pleistocene societies are viewed in this paper as manifestations of band society from which Paleolithic archaeologists can generate hypotheses about this cultural system and against which they can evaluate the validity of general cultural explanations. A general model is posited toward the isolation of Paleolithic societies in the archaeological record. Their numerical size is predicted from Monte Carlo simulations of model populations, and ways are discussed in which distinguishable equilibrium states of such societies can be predicted in time and space. Under the assumption of maximal constraints, simulations are used to predict the size and longevity of social units. The frequency of settlements produced during an equilibrium state of a society is simulated and the utility of survey for activity areas outside the settlements is demonstrated. The models developed in this paper are intended to stimulate deductive research in Paleolithic archaeology.

The statistical method of nearest neighbor analysis is presented for the study of distributional patterns of artifacts over occupation floors. It is compared with the previously presented method of dimensional analysis of variance. Nearest neighbor analysis is found to be much more sensitive in its detection of non-random spatial clustering. It has the advantage of not being particularly limited in application by problems of size or shape of the area under study, although it does require coordinates for each artifact and cannot be applied when only counts per grid unit are known. On the other hand, nearest neighbor analysis encounters considerable problems in defining the artifact clusters on an area and in comparing the distributions of several artifact types. These problems severely limit the utility of nearest neighbor analysis at the moment. Dimensional analysis of variance handles them better.

This report discusses the various kinds of data that are recoverable from the analysis of human coprolites and demonstrates how these techniques are applied to the specific analysis of prehistoric human coprolites recovered from site 41 VV 162 in southwest Texas. The data from these 43 coprolite samples are used to: (1) reconstruct aboriginal diet patterns in southwest Texas between 800 B.C. and A.D. 500; (2) predict specific periods of seasonal site occupancy; (3) distinguish between pollen resulting from the eating of certain plant foods and background pollen resulting from the normal pollen rain; and (4) make limited generalizations concerning the regional paleoenvironment between 800 B.C. and A.D. 500.

The view that technological advance was the prime cause of the early civilizations is examined and rejected. Instead, it is argued that civilization was an organizational solution to specific social and ecological problems. Even where technology gave an impetus to the rise of civilization, it can be shown that the tools or weapons involved were themselves developed in response to societal demands. Thus, the invention of the steam engine, which led to the Industrial Revolution, can be traced back to the need by feudal states in Europe to cope with a severe shortage of labor. This interpretation is presented, not as a repudiation of cultural materialism, but as an elaboration on it.

A model is presented which describes the transition from mixed rainfall-dependent agriculture with animal husbandry to specialized modes of production based upon irrigated agriculture and nomadic pastoralism. This model emphasizes selective pressures for mixed farming before irrigation agriculture had expanded in the arid alluvial zones of Mesopotamia, and selective pressures for specialization after irrigation agriculture had become established in that zone. It goes on to describe dynamic interaction between specialized groups once such specialization has become institutionalized.

The study of trash, although long in the forefront of actual archaeological research, has seldom been conducted in such a way as to emphasize the social and cultural context of the rules governing trash disposal. Evidence from the Early Dynastic town site of Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt is used to support the contention that a knowledge of human patterns of trash disposal can be a valuable tool in the study of the composition and functioning of "urban" centers, as well as of general use in interpreting archaeological remains.

Rock art studies have indicated that the katchina cult and associated religious sodalities arrived in the Pueblo Southwest in the early 14th century from the Jornada region of the Mogollon. Recent studies of prehistoric Pueblo social organization suggest that population aggregation after A.D. 1150 led to the need for means of intravillage social integration. It is proposed that the arrival of the katchina cult and its widespread acceptance occurred in response to this need for intravillage integrative mechanisms.

The explication of prehistoric subsistence economies has been of increasing interest to archaeologists. This emphasis is reflected, in part, by the considerable attention afforded faunal analyses in the recent archaeological literature. However, little effort has been made toward developing methods that permit meaningful comparisons of food resources at the interspecies level. Data pertinent to the calculation of both quantitative and qualitative food potential of many of the vertebrate animals represented in archaeological contexts are extant. These data are lacking for freshwater mussels, frequently found in archaeological sites in eastern North America. Information relevant to determining the food energy provided by freshwater mussels common to much of the Mississippi River drainage is presented. Results are applicable to more credible interpretations of prehistoric subsistence as related to animal food resources.

The southern border of Mesoamerica is traditionally drawn at the Ulua river of western Honduras, before dipping southward to include El Salvador, Pacific Nicaragua, and northwest Costa Rica. Recent work in the Department of Colón, Honduras, provides the earliest evidence of aboriginal occupation in the region and extends the established chronological sequence back more than a thousand years. A preliminary examination of the ceramics, and a comparison to other Preclassic sites, indicates that eastern Honduras, despite its later affiliation with Lower Central American cultural patterns, was probably participating in the cultural development and long-distance trade network of Early and Middle Preclassic Mesoamerican neighbors. Using ethnohistoric analogy, the possibility of cacao as a Preclassic trade commodity is raised. Finally, it is suggested that the cultural frontier of Mesoamerica in the southeast be extended for the Preclassic time horizon.

This study is a comparison of the results of a variety of clustering methods and 2 multidimensional scaling techniques on data from sites in northern Chile. While differences do occur, the similarities among the results are strong in spite of differing inputs. In general, results of relative frequency analysis appear to be superior to those of presence/absence, and the techniques used seem to be viable additions to existing archaeological tools.

It has come to be common for scientists to study the history of scientific thought. But too often even today, we assume our present theories are "Truth." Scientific histories usually describe intellectual events as either having enhanced or impeded discoveries consistent with modern theory. However, by applying the same standards to Western thought that we apply to non-Western cosmologies, we find that the development of Western worldview closely reflected its own changing social structure. The idea that nature was fixed permanently by God during the creation gave way to the idea of a constantly changing, evolving world-and, at the same time, the fixed class system of European society gave way to an industrialized society characterized by class mobility. This paper will analyze British scientific theories and biohistoric models from the Reformation to Darwin's Origin of Species.

E. Z. Vogt has proposed a reconstruction of ancient lowland Maya social organization based on the settlement pattern and organization of modern central Chiapas highland Indian municipios. The occurrence and persistence of Vogt's "typical" Maya pattern is examined. Archaeological, ethnohistorical, and ethnological data from central Chiapas are used to demonstrate the presence of at least two patterns of settlement in the region at the time of Spanish conquest. These are discussed as imprints of two systems: (1) internally exploitive and (2) externally exploitive. The first represents primary adaptation to natural features of the landscape. The second represents an expansive adaptation to changing social environments. It is suggested that both these systems were in operation at various times in the southern Maya lowlands as well as in the central Chiapas highlands.