The rock art of Writing-On-Stone has been the focus of detailed interpretation relying on concepts of group migration. Indeed, results of previous research at Writing-On-Stone have been pivotal in reconstructions of northwestern Plains group distributions. It is apparent that many anthropomorphic petroglyphs and pictographs contain elements and co-associations that allow chronological ordering from prehistoric through protohistoric and historic times. Cluster analyses described in this paper offer a more objective means of assessing changes in anthropomorph depictions through time, leading to a critical evaluation of prior concepts concerning stylistic changes and Native group distributions. In particular, the analyses demonstrate that rock-art anthropomorphs at Writing-On-Stone are more strongly interrelated than previously thought. We believe there is no need to invoke a Shoshonean presence in this area to account for differences in late prehistoric and historical-period rock-art anthropomorph styles.

Social-group competition and cooperation are critical elements of models of cultural evolution. Despite the presumed significance of such interactions, archaeologists find it difficult to measure these forms of behavior. An Illinois cemetery consisting of 264 burials dating to ca. A.D. 1300 illustrates the unique information that only mortuary sites can provide on the characteristics and intensity of prehistoric intergroup conflict. In this instance, violent death was indicated by several forms of bone damage. Chronic warfare caused a heavy loss of life (at least one-third of all adult deaths) and contributed to considerable hardship. Available evidence indicates that this conflict was part of a broader pattern of volatile Precontact-era social relationships that featured intergroup cooperation coupled with antagonism.

The Precolumbian culture sequences for Mesoamerica and Peru, the two New World areas where native civilizations attained their greatest complexity, show, in each case, an alternation between periods of horizon-style unifications and periods of marked regional stylistic diversity. It is the thesis of the present essay that this alternating process of intense regional interaction broken by periods of lesser interaction is a vital one in the rise to civilizational complexity.

Recent research has identified a number of general factors with important effects on flaked-stone technology but has been less effective in solving the problem of examining these factors in specific archaeological contexts. This paper discusses this issue and presents a case study focused on mobility patterns in one area of coastal California to exemplify one approach to dealing with it. This study emphasizes the importance of considering, first, the ways in which local conditions mediate the effects of global aspects of human adaptations and, second, the interactions between multiple causal factors as conditioners of technology. This example highlights the role played by multiple, distinct technological strategies within a single pattern of activity as well as the potential ambiguity of the relations between these strategies and global mobility patterns.

The value of marine resources and coastal environments to hunter-gatherers has long been debated, with the archaeological record frequently invoked as the ultimate test for various arguments. Optimal-foraging principles suggest that the temporal priority of the exploitation of one resource over another indicates its value with respect to subsistence efficiency, a crucial variable in overall reproductive success. If coastal habitats are highly valuable, their exploitation should be seen early in the archaeological record; if not, a time lag should be evident between the initial exploitation of terrestrial and coastal environments. A review of the archaeology of early marine-resource use in prehistoric California reveals complex patterning that does not exclusively support one position or the other. Certain of these data accommodate the traditional model of an adaptive transition between specialized hunting of terrestrial big game during the Paleoindian period and diversification, including marine-resource exploitation, during the Archaic period. Others, however, suggest that shellfish were part of the diet of the initial colonists of western North America, indicating the value of this resource to mobility-restricted members of hunting and gathering groups.

Settlement patterns recovered by archaeologists differ fundamentally from synchronic settlement patterns analyzed by geographers since they are a static record of occupations that may often have had differing periods of use in the past. Many maps of the “settlement pattern” of prehistoric phases show more occupations than were ever simultaneously occupied. After discussing some of the problems this can cause, I describe a way of characterizing past settlement dynamics and a method for estimating (1) the mean number of likely simultaneous occupations for a region and (2) phase-to-phase differences in mean occupation span. The method is illustrated by the analysis of settlement data from the Ixtapalapa region in the Basin of Mexico.

This paper seeks further to define the processes of the interpretation of meaning in archaeology and to explore the public role such interpretation might play. In contrast to postmodern and poststructuralist perspectives, a hermeneutic debate is described that takes account of a critical perspective. An interpretive postprocessual archaeology needs to incorporate three components: a guarded objectivity of the data, hermeneutic procedures for inferring internal meanings, and reflexivity. The call for an interpretive position is related closely to new, more active roles that the archaeological past is filling in a multicultural world.

Operations research is the systematic study of resource utilization through the manipulation of conceptual models. Used most often by engineers and managers, these models also have potential application in archaeology. Event tree analysis, which models multipart systems with a number of potential consequences resulting from a series of events, makes it possible to analyze artifact-production processes or the operation of complex economic activities such as hunting. Fault tree analysis models the interactions of factors that can cause a technological system to fail. It offers a framework for the interpretation of archaeological remains such as flintlock firearm parts at Indian and Euroamerican sites of the Great Plains.

Four separate lines of evidence show that the Cedar Mesa Basketmaker II were dependent on maize horticulture: the settlement pattern of the mesa-top Basketmaker II; stable carbon-isotope analysis of Basketmaker and other skeletal remains from the Cedar Mesa area; and two different analyses of coprolites and midden constituents from the Turkey Pen Cave site (a Basketmaker II site in Grand Gulch, which drains parts of Cedar Mesa). All of these analyses concur with a dependence on maize horticulture for the Cedar Mesa Basketmaker II, a dependence not differing significantly from later Pueblo inhabitants of Cedar Mesa and elsewhere. Whether other Basketmaker II variants were as reliant on maize is uncertain, but there are good indications that at least some, and probably all, were. By 2,000 years ago the Basketmaker II peoples on Cedar Mesa were not modified hunters and gatherers, but relied on maize.

Excavations at Mustang Springs on the southern High Plains of Texas have yielded a relatively fine-grained record of late Pleistocene to middle Holocene environments and climate. The site contains over 60 Altithermal age water wells, direct evidence of the human adaptive response to this locally severe drought and of a drop in the water table of nearly 3 m. New radiocarbon dates from the wellfield are substantially earlier than previously published age estimates, putting the age of well digging in a brief period at the onset of the Altithermal. Human adaptive strategies during this period are yet undetermined, but the evidence points to generalized and highly mobile strategies and to the conclusion that this wellfield is surely not unique. The geology of Mustang Springs helps explain the scarcity of other Altithermal age sites on the southern High Plains.

Disagreements about methodology in archaeology are often located in terms of the middle-range-theory approach of Lewis Binford and the hermeneutic, contextual archaeology of Ian Hodder. These positions are usually presented in opposition to each other, but here they are shown to present very much the same methodological picture of archaeology. This specific analysis is more generally informative of the methodological relation between the natural and social sciences.

The availability both of documentary data on the history of the Hopi pueblo of Walpi and of tree-ring dates from the village provides a rare opportunity to evaluate tree-ring interpretations in the light of independent chronological evidence. Three major events in the history of the community are reflected in the village's overall tree-ring date distribution: the initial settlement around A.D. 1400 of the site of Koechaptevela, located on the flank of First Mesa, the movement of the community around A.D. 1690 to the present location of Walpi on top of First Mesa, and the reconstruction of much of the village between A.D. 1880 and 1940. Analysis of the overall date distribution and of dates from individual rooms shows that many timbers in the village have been reused, sometimes more than once. For this reason, interpretation must rely on date clusters, though even they can be misleading when beams procured at the same time have been reused as a group. The significance of beam reuse to the interpretation of Walpi's tree-ring dates is a function, first, of the relocation of the village over a short distance around 1690 and, second, of the village's survival for almost 600 years. Because of Walpi's size and longevity, patterning in the pueblo's tree-ring evidence is most relevant to the interpretation of large, long-lived prehistoric and protohistoric sites in the Southwest. Historical details provided by tree-ring evidence are also likely to be of special interest to Native Americans, such as the Hopi, who live in these pueblos still.

The contents of stratigraphically distinct archaeological proveniences, such as trash and fill, floor assemblages, and collections from the modern ground surface, ordinarily are treated separately during analysis and interpretation of assemblage variability. Once an interpretive framework has been constructed that integrates artifact use and discard with the formation of these various deposits, patterned differences in assemblage content can be exploited to yield information about site function, occupation duration, and abandonment processes. This approach is demonstrated through an analysis of the distribution of one-hand manos, two-hand manos, and trough metates at Anasazi sites in southwestern Colorado.

On October 6, 1846, M. W. Dickeson, a physician from Natchez, Mississippi, exhibited a collection of specimens of mastodon and sloth fossil bones that he had found in 1845 at the base of a bayou cut through the loess above the Mississippi River near his home. He had brought them to the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia to which he donated them. Among the specimens was a fragment of human pelvis, implicitly also fossil, from a deposit of blue clay 61 cm below the animal fossils, which included mylodon (now Glossotherium harlani) and Megalonyx jeffersoni. After 144 years of controversy over the antiquity of “Natchez Man,” a sample of the pelvis has been dated by accelerator mass spectrometry to 5580 ± 80 B.P.

Fieldwork conducted on the Cape Bathurst Peninsula, Northwest Territories, Canada, has resulted in the discovery of 75 sites representing occupations spanning more than 3,000 years. Nearly all of the sites are characterized by the predominant use of a distinctive rock called a “clinker.” Resembling a basalt-to-obsidian-like material, it is formed by the spontaneous combustion of local organic-rich shales. The fusing occurs in burning areas called bocannes that are common along the Horton River and the cliffs along the eastern shore of the peninsula. Despite the evidence for intensive use on Cape Bathurst and the more general Mackenzie Delta region, none of the four potential quarry sources yielded evidence of actual prehistoric use. This is attributed to the dynamic nature of the formation and erosion of the bocannes over the last several thousand years.