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National and Rational Dress: Catholics Debate Female Fashion in Lithuania, 1920s–1930s

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 October 2019

Abstract

The debates about female fashion in the new Republic of Lithuania in the 1920s and 1930s saw papal representatives, bishops, leading public intellectuals, and members of Catholic youth movements argue about deep décolletés and short skirts. In this predominantly Catholic country, objections made against modern fashion may initially look like a conservative stand against modern developments. Studying more closely the debate around women's fashion as it developed in a particular subset of the Catholic population in Lithuania—educated youth in the Ateitis Catholic student association, this article examines the interconnected arguments that were woven together to evaluate what women should wear in interwar Lithuania and shows that Catholics in this northeastern European country aimed to create a modern national and rational woman. At issue were not just Catholic moral norms but also national identity and the challenges posed by mass consumer culture. The new ideal being proposed was a modern Catholic female intelligentsia, a gender ideal that embraced the opportunities offered in the first decades of the twentieth century, such as suffrage, education, urban living, more active participation in civic life, while retaining more conservative moral norms, questioning consumer culture, and debating woman's nature and mission.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 2019 

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Footnotes

I would like to thank G. Jankevičiūtė, V. Jurėnienė, D. Kieser, R. Laukaitytė, D. Meen, and the reviewers and editors of Church History for their constructive comments on earlier drafts of this article.

References

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3 Irish bishops voiced similar concerns. See Valiulis, Maryann, “Neither Feminist nor Flapper,” in Chattel, Servant or Citizen: Women's Status in Church, State and Society, ed. O'Dowd, Mary and Wichert, Sabine (Belfast: Queen's University of Belfast, 1995), 168178Google Scholar.

4 “Lietuvos arkivyskupo ir vyskupų ganytojiškas raštas tinkintiesiems apie pavojus dorovei,” 33.

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10 I. Česaitis, Dr. Ambraziejūtė-Steponaitienė, K. Dineika. Although men's shoes were also criticized, women's fashion garnered the most attention.

11 O. Mašiotienė, Dr. P. Kalvaitytė, and H. Kairiūkštytė-Jacynienė.

12 A. Birutavičienė, A. Jurgeliūnas, and J. Eretas.

13 Nationalism and religion are often deeply intertwined in personal and group identity, making it exceedingly difficult to evaluate which impulse is stronger. Often nationalist reasons will be used to further religious causes and vice versa. In this study, however, overtly religious reasons—ones that reference scripture and/or magisterial teaching—for adopting or rejecting fashion appear less frequently than other arguments.

14 The editors of the volume New Woman Hybridities argue for the importance of approaching the New Woman as a hybrid construct found across the globe, a construct that shares both common features and local particularities. It is such similarities and differences that I am investigating in the Lithuanian Catholic context. Heilmann, Ann and Beetham, Margaret, “Introduction,” in New Woman Hybridities, ed. Heilmann, Ann and Beetham, Margaret (London: Routledge, 2004), 18Google Scholar.

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23 A more recent volume by the Modern Girl Around the World Research Group, The Modern Girl Around the World, does not engage religion. Even accounts that are more nuanced vis-à-vis Catholicism and fashion tend to focus on Catholic opposition to modern developments: Eineigel, Susanne, “(En)gendering a Modern Self in Post-Revolutionary Mexico City, 1920–40,” in Consuming Modernity: Gendered Behaviour and Consumerism before the Baby Boom, ed. Warsh, Cheryl Krasnick and Malleck, Dan (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2013), 200219Google Scholar; Valiulis, “Subverting the Flapper”; and Ryan, “Locating the Flapper in Rural Irish Society.”

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36 Česlovas Laurinavičius, “Laimėjimai ir atsilikimo apraiškos,” in Lietuvos Istorija, ed. Česlovas Laurinavičius, vol. 10, bk. 2, 355. Part of lithuanianization meant increasing the ethnic Lithuanian population of urban centres: in 1923 the population of large towns was 57% Lithuanian and 32% Jewish. Kaubrys, National Minorities, 45.

37 Lotužytė, Kristina, “Kodėl moterys privalo būti gražios? Moteriškumo sampratos kaitos atspindžiai Lietuvos tarpukario spaudoje,” Menotyra 31, no. 2 (2003): 61Google Scholar.

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39 For an overview of the history of the Church in the interwar period, see Krikščionybės istorija Lietuvoje, ed. Ališauskas, Vytautas (Vilnius: Aidai, 2006), 389433Google Scholar.

40 For the Catholic Women's League as such a site, see Indrė Karčiauskaitė, “Katalikiškoji moterų judėjimo srovė Lietuvoje (1907–1940),” (PhD diss., Vytautas Magnus University, 2007).

41 Laukaitytė, “Konfesinė sritis,” 73.

42 Skrupskelis provides a comprehensive history of the organization.

43 From the mid-1920s the Federation aimed to have the high school chapters separated by gender, though not all chapters complied. Congresses continued to be mixed events, though there were separate sessions for girls. Letter from Vilkaviškis chapter to Director of the [National] Girls’ Section, 9 May 1927; Mažeikiai chapter to Director of the [National] Girls’ Section, 19 November 1926; LCSA, fonds 564/3/18, p. 5, 22.

44 Čepytė, Julija and Garnienė, Živilė, Periodika moterims Lietuvoje, 1918–1940 metais (Kaunas: Technologija, 1997), 5163Google Scholar.

45 For example, Balčiūnaitė, E., “Inteligentės pareigos liaudies moteriai,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 8–9 (1935): 308311Google Scholar; and A.S., “Į drauges moksleives,” Naujoji vaidilutė, 6 (1927): 121Google Scholar.

46 1934–1935 Annual plan for the “Saulės” High School chapter included talks on 1. Fashion and traditions; 2. An evaluation of fashion and modern dance; 3. Formation of character; 4. A girl's characteristics; 5. Femininity and its cultivation; 6. Vocation, in LCSA fonds 564/3/79, 14.

47 Etymologically related to the Polish dewotka and French dévoté.

48 Kavolis, Vytautas, Moterys ir vyrai lietuvių kultūroje (Vilnius: Lietuvos Kultūros Institutas, 1992), 6063Google Scholar; Antanas Gudaitis, Davatka, 1939, oil on cloth, ePalveldas, https://www.epaveldas.lt/object/recordDescription/LDM/1_917496; and short story by Lazdynų Pelėda, “Davakta,” in Pavasario rytmetį, Davatka, Burtininkė (Vilnius: Šviesos b-vė, 1905), https://www.epaveldas.lt/object/recordDescription/LNB/C1B0002983873.

49 Aš ne davatka, Šv. Kazimiero Draugijos Leidinys nr. 619 (Kaunas: Šviesos, 1935)Google Scholar.

50 For example, Ladygienė, S., “Dorovinis ateitininkės tipas,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 11 (1932): 432440Google Scholar.

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52 Quoted in Weber, “Kann denn Mode katholisch sein,” 153.

53 The bishops also referred to Rom. 8:13; Mt. 5:8; Ps. 119:1; 1 Cor. 6:15; Gal. 6:8.

54 Mačiulaitytė, “Ar tinka šviesuolei,” 322–333.

55 In October 1928, in the midst of the debates on fashion, a prominent Lithuanian sculptor, Juozas Zikaras, exhibited his bas-relief of the Blessed Virgin in 1920s female attire – bubikopf and short skirt. Entitled “Modernioji Madona” [Modern Madonna], the work was criticized for disrespecting the Virgin Mary. For contemporary criticisms, see A. Jakštas, Rytas, 11 October 1928; Šlapelis, Ignas, Meno kultūra 1 (1928): 18Google Scholar; and Židinys 8, no. 10 (1928): 252Google Scholar. I am grateful to G. Jankevičiūtė for these references. The Ateitis organization's periodicals do not seem to comment on this bas-relief. For the work itself, see Kezys, Algimantas, “Sculptures by Juozas Zikaras,” Lituanus: Lithuanian Quarterly Journal of Arts and Sciences 50, no. 4 (Winter 2004)Google Scholar, http://www.lituanus.org/2004/04_4_6Kezys.htm.

56 Ryan, “Locating the Flapper in Rural Irish Society,” 91, 94; Dwyer-McNulty, “Hems to Hairdos,” 191; and Vincent, Mary, “Spanish Catholic Youth Culture: A Case Study of the Marian Congregations, 1930–1936,” Gender & History 13, no. 1 (August 2001): 273298CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

57 Benedict XV, Sacra Propediem, 19 (1921). Pius XI, Ubi Arcano Dei Consilio, 14 (1922); and Divini illius magistri, 68 (1929).

58 Instruction: Ad Ordinarios Dioecesanos: De Inhonesto Feminarum Vestiendi More,” Acta Apostolica Sedis 22 (1930): 2628Google Scholar.

59 Vincent, “Gender and Morals,” 284–286.

60 For more on the rejuvenation of religious orders in the Lithuanian Republic, see Laukaitytė, Regina, Lietuvos vienuolyjos: XXa. istorijos bruožai (Vilnius: Lietuvos istorijos institutas, 1997)Google Scholar.

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62 Valiulis, “Neither Feminist nor Flapper,” 172.

63 Dwyer-McNulty, “Hems and Hairdos,” 184.

64 For more on how modern national identity was constructed by forging links with the past, see Smith, Anthony D., Chosen Peoples: Sacred Sources of National Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), chaps. 7, 8Google Scholar.

65 The phrasing ascribed purity to both men and women.

66 For Ireland, see Valiulis, “Neither Feminist nor Flapper,” 172; and Ryan, “Locating the Flapper in Rural Irish Society,” 92–99. For Spain, see Vincent, “Gender and Morals,” 282.

67 Šalkauskis, Stasys, “Rūtų darželis,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 1 (1921): 613Google Scholar.

68 For more on the rue in Lithuanian folklore, see Daiva Šeškauskaitė and Gliwa, Bernd, “Rūtà, die Nationalblume der Litauer. Zur Kulturgeschichte der Weinraute (Ruta graveolens L.) und zur Etymologie von litauisch rūtà und deutsch Raute,” Anthropos 97, no. 2 (2002): 455467Google Scholar.

69 Baldauskas, J., “Mūsų dainų erotika,” Gimtasai kraštas 5 (1935): 232237Google Scholar.

70 Etymologically, the word vaidilutė is not related to the word for a Roman Catholic priest (Lithuanian–kunigas).

71 For the importance of the medieval Lithuanian state for modern Lithuanian nationalism, see Snyder, Timothy, The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2003), 35Google Scholar.

72 Ščavinskas, Marius, “Kas tarpukariu siejo tautinę lietuvių istoriografiją, lietuvių christianizaciją ir “lenkų apaštalus”?Kultūros barai 4 (2009): 7482Google Scholar.

73 The image of the vaidilutė was also linked to a concrete historical figure, Birutė, the mother of Vytautas the Great (r. 1392–1430), the Grand Duke revered for defending Lithuanian independence, expanding its territory and Christianizing this last pagan enclave in Europe. In the interwar period, Vytautas's mother was celebrated as a vaidilutė who, breaking her vows of chastity, married the Grand Duke Kęstutis, bearing him a son. For some background, though one which questions Birutė’s historicity, see Ališauskas, Vytautas, “Kulto tradicija lokalioje religinėje bendrijoje: Birutės atvejis,” Bažnyčios istorijos studijos 5 (2012): 924Google Scholar.

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75 One of the earliest poems featuring a vaidilutė is Silvestras Valiūnas' ballad “Birutė,”(1823). Dramas include Gužutis-Fromas, Vaidilutė arba Žemaičių Krikštas, (1910), Vincas Mykolaitis-Putinas, Nuvainikuota Vaidilutė, (1927), and Vydūnas, Amžina Ugnis,” (1912–1913). There were also a few operas: Gabrielius Landsbergis-Žemkalnis, M. Petrauskas Birutė, (1906) and Vytautas Bacevicius, Vaidilutė, (1927).

76 Kliorytė-Sužiedelienė, A., “Lietuvos moteris pirmajame nepriklausomybės dešimtmetyje,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 7–9 (1930): 162166Google Scholar. The author runs through the gamut of roles women have played in Lithuania's history, from the vaidilutė to today's women who, the author remarks, should avoid the extremes of fashion.

77 Gylienė, M.Dr., “Kūno apdaras,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 5–6 (1930): 122125Google Scholar; Dovydaitis, P., “Apie Apdarą- I,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 2–3 (1921–1922): 7283Google Scholar; Petrauskaitė, Em., “Moters grožis ir gyvenimas,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 5–6 (1935): 241245Google Scholar; and Pečkauskaitė, M., “Vaidilutės,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 6 (1922–1923): 249250Google Scholar.

78 Dovydaitis, “Apie Apdarą-I,” 72–83.

79 “Mada ir politika,” (a summary from the German youth magazine Jugendziele) Naujoji Vaidilutė 10 (1928): 266–267; and Gylienė, “Kūno apdaras,” 122–125.

80 Dovydaitis, “Apie Apdarą-I,” 72–83; and Sportas, mada ir k.: Ar kūno kultūros tobulinimas reikalauja visiškos nuogybės?Naujoji Vaidilutė 2 (1933): 9394Google Scholar.

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82 Nevertheless, modern national costumes were actively being constructed, and wearing these was appropriate for formal occasions. See Šidiškienė, Irma, Būti lietuve: etninio stiliaus apranga XIX a. pabaigoje—XX a. pirmoje pusėje (Vilnius: Versus aureus, 2005)Google Scholar.

83 For a discussion about the dangers of cosmopolitan dress across thirty interwar Lithuanian publications, see Venskienė, “Požiūriai į kosmopolitinę madą,” 34–47.

84 Guenther, Nazi Chic, 43.

85 J.L., “Drobė ir krizis,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 6–7 (1936): 291–293; Lakštingala, “Apie madas;” and Mačiulaitytė, A., “Ar tinka šviesuolei be atodairos sekti madas,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 12 (1928): 322333Google Scholar.

86 “Moksleivių Ateitininkų Sąjungos Mergaičių Kuopelių Pavienių Narių Veikimo Programa,” LCSA, Fonds 564/3/19, 71.

87 Blauzdžiūnaitė, Iz., “Ar kuriam lietuvaitės tipui pritaikintą madą?Naujoji Vaidilutė 12 (1932): 465466Google Scholar.

88 For a broader discussion of fashion and class, see Venskienė, “Požiūriai į kosmopolitinę madą,” 34–47.

89 Skrupskelis, Ateities draugai, chap. 14.

90 Žilevičiūtė, Julija, “Vaidilučių misija sodžiuje—kokio mokslo man reikia?Naujoji Vaidilutė 9 (1924): 913Google Scholar; and N-tė, “Mergaičių papuošalai,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 4 (1925): 165Google Scholar.

91 Petrauskaitė, “Moters grožis ir gyvenimas.”

92 Lakštingala, “Apie madas;” and Mačiulaitytė, “Ar tinka šviesuolei,” 322–333.

93 For an account of the minimal impact of these discussions in Lithuania, see Jurkuvienė, Teresė, “Sukurti lietuvišką madą,” Menotyra 20, no. 1 (2013): 6779Google Scholar.

94 In his dissertation, L’âme du monde dans la philosophie de Vladimir Soloviev (Berlin: Knospe & Daue, 1920)Google Scholar, Šalkauskis uses neo-Thomistic categories to analyze the Russian philosopher's thought.

95 Židinys [The Hearth] was the foremost Catholic intellectual monthly publication in the 1920s and 1930s. Šalkauskis, S., “Išvidinis moters atsivadavimas, kaipo tikros jos emancipacijos pradžia,” Židinys 6, no. 11 (1927): 331332Google Scholar; and Šalkauskis, S., “Išvidinis moters atsivadavimas, kaipo tikros jos emancipacijos pradžia,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 8 (1927): 202208Google Scholar.

96 Mačiulaitytė, “Ar tinka šviesuolei,” 322–333.

97 Šalkauskis, Stasys, Ateitininkų ideologija, (Kaunas: Šv. Kazimiero draugija, 1933)Google Scholar.

98 For example, H.C.B.S, “Dėl moksleivės idealo,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 4 (1928):121122Google Scholar; Kastė, Siekime natūralaus grožio,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 4–5 (1927): 103Google Scholar; and N-tė, “Mergaičių papuošalai.” For the discussion in a wider array of publications, see Venskienė, “Požiūriai į kosmopolitinę madą,” 34–47.

99 Mačiulaitytė, “Ar tinka šviesuolei,” 322–333.

100 Šalkauskis quoted in Mačiulaitytė, “Ar tinka šviesuolei,” 322–333.

101 Šalkauskis made use of Le Bon's Lois psychologiques d'Evolution des peuples in his work Sur les Confins de deux monde (Geneva, 1919), 247.

102 Borch, Christian, The Politics of Crowds: An Alternative History of Sociology (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 17–18, 34–43, 8189CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

103 Kliorytė, A., “Mados psichologijos bruožai,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 8 (1928): 2226Google Scholar.

104 Blauzdžiūnaitė, “Ar kuriam lietuvaitės tipui pritaikintą madą?” 465–466; Siekime grožio,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 2 (1928): 61Google Scholar; Gylienė, “Kūno apdaras,” 122–125; and Orintaitė, P., “Šis tas apie grakščiąją prancūzę ir madas,” Naujoji Vaidliutė 4 (1937): 216220Google Scholar.

105 Petrauskaitė, “Moters grožis ir gyvenimas,” 241; and Lakštingala, “Apie madas.”

106 Petrauskaitė, “Moters grožis ir gyvenimas.”

107 Petrauskaitė, Emilija, “Moterų rūbų mada,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 4 (1936): 174Google Scholar.

108 Gylienė, 122–125.

109 N-tė, “Mergaičių papuošalai;” S. Šalkauskis, “Išvidinis moters atsivadavimas, kaipo tikros jos emancipacijos pradžia,” Naujoji Vaidilutė; and Petrauskaitė, “Moters grožis ir gyvenimas.”

110 Šalkauskis, Sur les Confins de deux mondes, 247.

111 Donskis, Leonidas, Loyalty, Dissent, and Betrayal: Modern Lithuania and East-Central European Moral Imagination (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2005), 1131Google Scholar.

112 For similar concerns in Germany, see Weber, “Kann denn Mode katholisch sein,” 153–155.

113 “The life of a human being consequently ascends by means of three steps from the material plane to the highest spiritual sphere. Nature moves in the direction of culture so that it could find its natural end or improvement in the latter. Then culture moves in the direction of religion so that it could find its supernatural end in the latter . . .  Each higher sphere of life bases itself on the lower one, as its natural material basis, and on the other hand, completes that lower sphere by complementing and improving it.” Quoted in Sverdiolas, Arūnas, “Stasys Šalkauskis: Contours of His System,” in Lithuanian Philosphy: Persons and Ideas, ed. Baranova, Jūratė (Washington, D.C: Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, 2000), 122Google Scholar.

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115 Though not common, there were occasional articles that questioned the assumption that women were by nature more emotional and less rational than men. Vida, Dėl psichinio lyčių skirtumo brendimo amžiuj,” Naujoji Vaidilutė 4–5 (1927): 96101Google Scholar.

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