No CrossRef data available.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 May 2025
The body of sociological, anthropological and psychological literature about aggressive behavior is considerable. Little research has been carried out, however, on the extents to which societies around the world manifest various forms of aggression. Such research has been largely confined to murder and suicide in a few societies. While theories about murder and suicide are numerous and diverse, theory relevant to cross-cultural variations in other types of aggression is minimal. This paper sets forth data regarding the extents to which 58 non-literate societies manifest 18 forms of aggression. Analyses are then made of the relationships between frustration engendered by child training socialization practices and those forms of aggression. Various other theoretical formulations concerning aggression are also considered.
Supported in part by a grant from the Central University Research Fund of the University of New Hampshire. Irvin L. Child and John W. M. Whiting kindly gave permission to use their child training data. I am also indebted to Arnold Linsky, Wilbert Fisher and Joseph Considine.
(1) For summaries, see Leonard Berkowitz, Aggression: A Social Psychological Analysis, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1962; Arnold H. Buss, The Psychology of Aggression, New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1961. See also Paul Bohannan, ed., African Homicide and Suicide, New York: Atheneum, 1967.
(2) However, one report of an analysis of personal crime in non-literate societies is: Margaret K. Bacon, Irvin L. Child and Herbert Barry, III, »A Cross-Cultural Study of Correlates of Crime,« Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, April, 1963, p. 291-300. A report of murder and suicide in non-literate societies is: Stuart Palmer, »Murder and Suicide in Forty Non-Literate Societies,« Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science, Sept., 1965, p. 320-324.
(3) As examples, Bohannan op. cit.; Herbert Hendin, Suicide And Scandinavia, New York and London: Grune and Stratton, Inc., 1964.
(4) Among theoretical approaches that are at least indirectly relevant, see: Emile Durkheim, Suicide, tr. by John A. Spaulding and George Simpson, New York: The Free Press, 1966; Jack P. Gibbs and Walter T. Martin, Status Integration and Suicide, Eugene, Ore.: University of Oregon Press, 1964; Andrew F. Henry and James F. Short, Jr., Suicide and Homicide, Glencoe, III.: The Free Press, 1964; Elwin H. Powell, »Occupation, Status, and Suicide: Toward a Redefinition of Anomie,« American Sociological Review, April, 1958, p. 131-139; Jacqueline H. Straus and Murray A. Straus, »Suicide, Homicide, and Social Structure in Ceylon,« American Journal of Sociology, March, 1953, p. 461-469.
(5) John W. M. Whiting and Irvin L. Child, Child Training and Personality: A Cross-Cultural Study, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962.
(6) Op. cit.
(7) Allison Davis and Robert J. Havighurst, »Social Class and Color Differences in Child-Rearing,« American Sociological Review, December, 1946, p. 698-710.
(8) William H. Sewell, »Infant Training and the Personality of the Child,« American Journal of Sociology, September, 1952, p. 150-159.
(9) William H. Sewell, »Social Class Childhood Personality,» Sociometry, December, 1961, p. 340-356.
(10) John Dollard et al, Frustration and Aggression, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961, p. 46-50. See also: Berkowitz, op. cit.; Buss, op. cit.
(11) For summaries, see Berkowitz, op. cit.; Buss, op. cit.
(12) Dollard et al, op. cit., p. 46-50.
(13) Whiting and Child, op. cit., p. 47.
(14) Ibid., ch. 3.
(15) Fifty of the societies in the Whiting and Child study are analyzed here. The sample in the present report includes eight societies analyzed by Bacon, Child and Barry (op. cit.) and thus totals 58. The results presented in this paper are part of a larger study which employs a sample that combines the Whiting-Child and Bacon-Child-Barry samples.
(16) Here and elsewhere in the study, if differences in the ratings of the judges exceeded a span of three points on the eight-point scale, the ratings were considered unreliable and were not used. This occurred infrequently.
(17) If only one judge made a rating, no score was computed. Elsewhere in the study, if but one judge made a rating, the rating was omitted.
(18) Each form of aggression was carefully defined. For example, murder was defined for the raters as the killing of a member of the murderer's society which was to some degree premeditated and which was not in selfdefense or in a culturally sanctioned line of duty. A rating of seven was to be assigned those societies which had a rate judged to be at least as great as in literate societies which have 10 murders per 100,000 of the population per year. Suicide was defined for the raters as consciously motivated killing, or being the major agent or planner in the killing, of oneself. A rating of seven was to be assigned to those societies which has a rate judged to be at least as great as in literate societies which have 25 suicides per 100,000 of the population per year.
(19) Numbers of societies included in the several tables vary because no data were available or because validity or reliability were low.
(20) This is substantially the same as findings presented in an earlier report: Palmer, op. cit.
(21) For example, see Austin L. Porterfield, Robert H. Talbert and Herbert R. Mundhenke, Crime, Suicide and Social Well-Being, Fort Worth, Texas: Leo Potishman Foundation, 1948, ch. VII; Arthur Lewis Wood, »Crime and Aggression in Changing Ceylon.« Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia: 51 (New Series), Part 8, p. 55, 1961.
(22) Durkheim, op. cit.; Gibbs and Martin, op. cit., ch. 1. See also Jack D. Douglas, The Social Meanings of Suicide, Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1967.
(23) Durkheim, op. cit.
(24) Gibbs and Martin, op. cit., p. 27.
(25) Ibid., p. 23.
(26) Powell, op. cit., p. 139.
(27) Straus and Straus, op. cit.
(28) Henry and Short, op. cit.
(29) Ibid., p. 18.
(30) In a previous report, the extent to which societies employed severe punishment for crime in general was used—with some caution—as an inverse measure of external restraint. It was found that murder and suicide each tended to vary positively with punishment. Palmer, op. cit.
(31) For general consideration of opportunity and blockage, see: Richard A. Cloward and Lloyd E. Ohlin, Delinquency and Opportunity, New York: The Free Press, 1966.
(32) Henry and Short, op. cit., chs. 6 and 7: Uniform Crime Reports for the United States, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, annual issues since 1950; Marvin Wolfgang, Patterns in Criminal Homicide, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1958, chs. 3, 4.
(33) Henry and Short, op. cit. Notice that those authors relate blaming others to a condition of high external restraint. Here it is thought to be relevant to either high or low extremes of restraint.
(34) Durkheim, op. cit.; Norman L. Farberow and Edwin S. Shneidman, eds., The Cry for Help, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1961; Edwin S. Shneidman and Norman L. Farberow, eds., Clues to Suicide, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1957.
(35) Henry and Short, op. cit. Regarding especially role-loss, guilt and suicide, see George Kelly, »Suicide: The Personal Construct Point of View,« Norman L. Farberow and Edwin S. Shneidman, eds., The Cry for Help, New York: MsGraw-Hill, 1961, pp. 255-280.
(36) This may be more applicable to Western than to non-Western societies.
(37) Jack P. Gibbs, »Suicide«, Robert K. Merton and Robert A. Nisbet, eds., Contemporary Social Problems, New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1966, pp. 281-321; Gibbs and Martin, op. cit.
(38) To impute to individuals the ability to perceive the frustrating consequences of extremely strong or weak social bonds is likely to be a mistake.
(39) It should be borne in mind that even when rates of severe aggression are relatively high in a society, the proportion of individuals who commit such aggression will be small. Murder rates seldom exceed 10 per 100,000 of the population and suicide rates are rarely greater than 30 per 100,000.
(40) For examples of case studies, see: Bohannan, op. cit.; Hendin, op. cit.
(41) Wood, op. cit., p. 55.